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Abstract
British policy has oscillated between a ‘Diplomatic’ and a ‘Strategic’ orientation. The Diplomatic orientation regards the Arab–Israeli conflict as the most important element in Middle East policy, while the Strategic orientation views the conflict as less important than the need to contain radical anti-Western forces in the region. The Strategic orientation is associated with a mutually reinforcing combination of ideological sympathy for Israel, a pro-US orientation and the Prime Minister, while the Diplomatic orientation is associated with a mutually reinforcing combination of ideological sympathy for the Palestinians, the Foreign Office, a pro-European orientation and, to a deceasing extent, commercial interests. Since 1973, in an attempt to manage its declining power, Britain's has sought to ‘bridge’ the widely differing EU and US approaches, in order to achieve maximum influence and relevance. On occasion, this strategy has succeeded, however Blair's ambition to be the pivot at the centre of international involvement in the region is completely unrealistic. For while ‘bridging’ allows Britain the satisfying sense of ’punching above its weight’ in the Middle East, it often produces the appearance, rather than the reality, of substantive influence.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the anonymous referees for their insightful comments and Ms Na'ama Naor for her assistance in preparing this article.
Notes
1 On Realism see Tim Dunne, ‘Realism’ in John Baylis and Steve Smith (eds), The Globalisation of World Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).
2 In theoretical terms, the two combinations are broader and more disparate in nature that the bureaucratic coalitions based on parochial institutional interests sometimes used to explain US foreign policy. Yet, they are not consciously focused or deliberately organized around a single objective as per the theory of foreign policy advocacy coalitions, see Glenn Snyder and Paul Diesing, Conflict Among Nations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977); Jeffrey Peake, ‘Coalition building and overcoming legislative gridlock in foreign policy, 1947–98’, Presidential Studies Quarterly, 32(1) (2002); Karen Litfin, ‘Advocacy coalitions along the domestic-foreign frontier’ Policy Studies Journal, 28(1) (2000).
3 Mark Phythian, ‘Batting for Britain: British arms sales in the Thatcher years’, Crime Law and Social Change, 26(3) (1997).
4 Author conversation with British official, 2004.
5 James Bone, ‘UN fears Iraq may build missiles that can reach Britain’, The Times, 22 February 1996; Ewan MacAskill, ‘Iraqi nerve gas could paralyse western cities’, The Guardian (24 May 2000).
6 See for example Sir Percy Craddock, In Pursuit of British Interests (London: John Murray 1998), pp. 160–161.
7 Ibid.; Sir Anthony Parsons, They Say The Lion: Britain's Legacy To The Arabs: A Personal Memoir (London: J. Cape, 1986), pp. 149–150.
8 On the Alpha Plan, see Public Records Office, FO 371/115867; CAB 129/35. One of the main architects of the plan thought its implementation would pose an existential threat to Israel, Evelyn Shuckburgh, Descent to Suez (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1986), pp. 279, 297.
9 Parsons, They Say the Lion, pp. 43–45.
10 ’UK Confidential’ BBC Television, ‘Interview with Peter Tripp’ [former British diplomat in Amman], http://www.bbc.co.uk
11 Moshe Gat, Britain and the Conflict in the Middle East, 1964–67 (New York: Praeger, 2003), pp. 98, 148, 209.
12 Harold Wilson, The Chariot of Israel (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1981), pp. 184–188, 239.
13 Moshe Gat, ‘Britain and Israel before and after the Six Day War: From support to hostility’, Contemporary British History, 18(1) (2004).
14 On the centrality of Prime Minister and the Foreign Office in the making of foreign policy see Michael Clarke, ‘The policy-making process’, in Michael Smith, Steve Smith and Brian White (eds), British Foreign Policy: Tradition, Change and Transformation (London: Unwin 1988). On the making of British Foreign Policy in this period more broadly see also William Wallace, The Foreign Policy Process in Britain (London: Allen & Unwin, 1976); John Dickie, The New Mandarins: How British Foreign Policy Works (I.B. Tauris 2004); Paul Williams, ‘Who's making UK foreign policy?’, International Affairs, 80(5) (October 2004). On the limited role played by Parliament and think-tanks in contemporary British foreign policy, see Dickie, The New Mandarins pp. 138–161. On the ways in which British NGOs, often partly funded by government, play a political role in support of the Palestinians see NGO Monitor www.ngo-monitor.org
15 Sharon Sadeh, ‘Withdrawing from the Arabs to the embrace of the Europeans’ Ha'aretz (26 January 2004).
16 See for example Parsons, They Say the Lion, pp. 148–153; William Roger Louis, The British Empire in the Middle East, 1945–51 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984) pp. 114–115; Shuckburgh, Descent to Suez, pp. 279, 297; David Hughes, ‘Top diplomat in storm over ’anti-Israeli’ views’ Sunday Times 19 May 1991.
17 Ewan MacAskill, ‘Israel's tactical indignation’, The Guardian (25 September 2001).
18 Robin Renwick, ‘My fellow ambassadors are not a pretty sight’ Daily Telegraph (2 May 2004); Chris Hastings, ‘Diplomats failed to disclose their own Arab links’, Daily Telegraph (2 May 2004).
19 Moshe Raviv, ‘British–Israeli relations’, Paper presented at the Truman Institute, Hebrew University Jerusalem at a Conference entitled Britain and the Middle East, 22 June 2004.
20 ‘Britain armed deceitful israel in Six Day War’, The Guardian (1 January 1998).
21 Peter Stothard, 30 Days: A Month at the Heart of Blair's War (London: Harper Collins, 2003); Anthony Seldon, Blair (London: Free Press, 2004) pp. 692, 386–407, 580; Anthony Sampson, ‘Hijacked by that mob at no.10’, The Observer (8 June 2003). Similar charges were leveled at Mrs Thatcher see Clarke, ‘The policy-making process’, in Smith et al., British Foreign Policy, pp. 74–77.
22 Wilson, The Chariot of Israel, pp. 184–188.
23 June Edmunds, ‘The British Labour Party in the 1980s: The battle over the Palestinian/Israeli conflict’, Politics, 18(2) (1998).
24 Peter Hirschberg, ‘Blair hopes parley will take him beyond Iraq’, Ha'aretz (1 March 2005). On the hard Left's approach to Israel and their organizational alignment with Islamists on the issue see Ben Cohen, ‘The persistence of anti-Semitism on the British left’, Jewish Political Studies Review, 16(3–4) (2004); Dave Hyde, ‘Europe's other Red–Green alliance’, www.zeek.net/politics_0304.shtml; Paul Iganski and Barry Kosmin (eds), The New European Extremism: Hating America, Israel and the Jews (Profile Books 2006). While the hard Left do not have much sway over government policy, they have sought to influence Israeli–Palestinian affairs via the Trade Union movement where they are a force to be reckoned with. In April 2005 they got the AUT (Association of University Teachers) to boycott two Israeli universities, until a large majority of the union's membership overturned the decision a few months later. Given that the question of legitimacy lies at the heart of the Israeli-Arab conflict, the potential snowball effect of such a boycott cannot be dismissed lightly. On the boycott campaign see International Advisory Board for Academic Freedom, www.biu.ac.il/academic_freedom/ and Engage www.engageonline.org.uk/. On transnational aspects of foreign policy see Christopher Hill, The Changing Politics of Foreign Policy (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003), pp. 187–218.
25 See for example Churchill's speech in the House of Commons debate immediately preceding recognition of Israel in January 1949, cited in Wilson, The Chariot of Israel, p. 239.
26 Interview with an official in a leading Anglo-Jewish institution.
27 For a discussion of this issue see Ben Cohen, ‘Evaluating Muslim–Jewish relations in Britain’, Jerusalem Viewpoints, No. 527 (February 2005); Rory Miller, ‘EU policy towards the Middle East’, Paper Presented at Conference entitled Israel's Strategic Agenda (Bar-Ilan University, 4 July 2005).
28 Roger Murphy, ‘The special relationship and British foreign policy after 9/11’, Paper presented at APSA Conference, 2003; Clarke, ‘The policy-making process’, in Smith et al., British Foreign Policy, pp. 89–90; David Allen, ‘Britain and Western Europe’, in Smith et al., British Foreign Policy, p. 188.
29 Anthony Forster and Alistair Blair (eds), Britain's European Foreign Policy (London: Longman 2001).
30 Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report, Western Europe (24 October 1996).
31 On the different foreign policy approaches of the US and the EU see Robert Kagan Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order (New York: Vintage Books, 2003).
32 See, for example, the British stance regarding Hizbullah, David Rudge, ‘British ambassador sends EU message’, Jerusalem Post (23 March 2005).
33 On European and US polices towards the Arab–Israeli conflict see Philip Gordon, The Transatlantic Allies and the Changing Middle East (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1998) pp. 13–137; Dana Allin and Steven Simon ‘The moral psychology of US support for Israel,’ Survival, 45(3) (2003); Rosemary Hollis, ‘Europe and the Middle East: Power by stealth?’, International Affairs, 73(1) (1997); Robert Oslon, ‘Partners in the peace process: The United States and Europe’, Journal of Palestine Studies, 26(4) (1997); Kenneth Stein, ‘Imperfect alliances: Will Europe & America ever agree?’, Middle East Quarterly (March 1997). On hostile trends in Europe towards Israel, see Joseph Joffe, ‘The axis of envy’, Foreign Policy, 132 (September–October 2002); Dimitri Keridis, Europe and Israel: What went Wrong? (Ramat Gan: BESA Centre for Strategic Studies, 2003).
34 Shlomo Shamir, ‘UN overwhelmingly adopts draft condemning W. Bank fence’, Ha'aretz (21 July 2004).
35 ‘Blair's Ghent Speech’, Daily Telegraph (24 February 2000).
36 For expressions of this view among senior British officials see Parsons, They Say the Lion, pp. 150–151; Craddock, In Pursuit of British Interests, pp. 160–161.
37 Williams, ‘Who's making UK foreign policy?’; Roger Tooze, ‘Security and order: The economic dimension’, in Smith et al., British Foreign Policy.
38 William Wallace, The Foreign Policy Process in Britain (London: Chatham House 1975) p. 36.
39 Gat, ‘Britain and Israel’.
40 Frank Brenchley Britain and the Middle East: Economic History, 1945–87 (London: Lester Crook 1991), pp. 210, 233, 255.
41 Ibid., pp. 194, 210.
42 Mark Phythian, The Politics of British Arms Sales Since 1964 (Manchester: Manchester University Press 2000) pp. 217–218.
43 ‘What price a boycott’ (The Guardian 31 October 1984).
44 Stephanie Gray, ‘Row defused over Arab League visit to London’, Financial Times (13 December 1982); David Tonge, ‘Qatar and UAE scrap Pym visit’, Financial Times (6 January 1983); Roger Matthews, ‘Britain and Arab League try to heal wounds today’, Financial Times (18 March 1983); ‘PLO visit off: Yasser Arafat cancels visit to Britain’, The Guardian (29 November 1984).
45 Mark Phythian, The Politics of British Arms Sales Since 1964 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000) pp. 10, 29–32, 213, 235–236, 319–322; see also D. Miller, Export or Die: Britain's Defence Trade with Iran and Iraq (London: Cassell 1997).
46 Arthur Leathley ‘Prosperity key to peace, major tells Israelis’, The Times (13 March 1995).
47 British Embassy to Israel website: http://www.britemb.org.il
48 Bernard Josephs, ‘Deal on arms research collaboration’, Jewish Chronicle (20 November 1998); Joseph Millis, ‘British Defence Secretary to push for deal with Israel’, Jewish Chronicle (29 October 1999).
49 Howard Sacher, A History of Israel (New York: Knopf, 1979), p. 790.
50 Wilson, The Chariot of Israel, p. 372.
51 Kenneth Morgan, ‘Callaghan: A life’ (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 608. Morgan cites the following documents: Record of Meeting between Callaghan and Begin, 3–4 December 1977 (Callaghan Papers, box 21A); Telephone conversion between Callaghan and Carter 14 January 1978, TII/78 Callaghan Papers box 34. See also Sir Anthony Parsons ‘The Middle East’, in Peter Byrd (ed.), British Foreign Policy under Thatcher (London: Phillip Allen 1988), pp. 87–88.
52 Parsons, ‘The Middle East’, p. 86.
53 John Wyles, ‘EEC calls on Arafat to support peace talks’, Financial Times (23 March 1983); ‘Arafat willing to resume talks with Hussein on Reagan plan’, Financial Times (14 April 1983); Patrick Keatley, ‘Howe demand dashes peace initiative hopes,’ The Guardian (15 October 1985); Patrick Keatley, ‘Howe to ignore US pressure over PLO visit’, The Guardian (14 October 1985).
54 Ian Murray, ‘Israeli initiative: Peres tribute to Thatcher's peace role’, The Times (21 January 1987); ‘Mission improbable’, The Times (22 January 1987).
55 Craddock, In Pursuit of British Interests, p. 162.
56 Hella Pick, ‘Outburst by Mellor angered Thatcher’, The Guardian (15 January 1988); John Carvel, ‘Mellor stance unites parties’, The Guardian (12 January 1988).
57 Andrew McEwen, ‘Meetings with PLO suspended’, The Times (3 September 1990).
58 Michael Knipe ‘Major puts case for conference to Shamir’, The Times (7 December 1990); Colin Narbrough, ‘EC toughens stance on Arab boycott’, The Times (13 May 1991).
59 Arthur Leathley, ‘Prime Minister carries aid into PLO heartland’, The Times (15 March 1995).
60 Amnon Barzilai, ‘The British like our defence mechanisms’, Ha'aretz (29 August 2000).
61 Anthony Parsons, ‘Britain, Europe and the Middle East’, Middle East International, (21 June 1996), pp. 16–17. Foreign and Commonwealth Office, ‘Mr Robin Cook, Press Conference’ (26 November 1998), www.fco.co.uk
62 Michael Binyon, ‘Arafat warned on funds misuse’, The Times (15 July 1997); Maria Colvin, ‘British Aid for Gaza went to Arafat Men’ Sunday Times (6 November 1994).
63 Christopher Walker, ‘Britain spearheads EU drive to halt new Israeli homes on West Bank’, The Times (14 January 1998); Christopher Walker, ‘Britain warns Netanyahu not to crush Palestinian hopes’, The Times (6 June 1996).
64 Michael Binyon ‘Blair rebukes Israel over stalled Oslo Agreement’, The Times (14 November 1997); Lucy Ward, ‘Blair quest for Mid East Peace’, The Guardian (18 April 1998); David Makovsky, ‘Blair makes some headway in brokering peace get-together’, Ha'aretz (20 April 1998).
65 Ian Black, ‘Middle East talks in London’, The Guardian (5 May 1998).
66 Lucy Ward, ‘Israeli talks offer seals Blair tour’, The Guardian (22 April 1998).
67 Ian Hazboun, ‘EU to recognise Palestine’, The Guardian (21 June 2000); Joel Borger ‘Bloody Palestine’, The Guardian (28 August 1998); Dana Harman ‘Netanyahu off to Europe tomorrow’, Jerusalem Post (24 November 1998).
68 Bernard Josephs, ‘UK backs Israel bid for UN group’, Jewish Chronicle (12 November 1999); ‘Blair backs Barak 101%’,Ha'aretz (22 July 1999).
69 ‘PM's opening statement, London Meeting Supporting the Palestinian Authority. 1 March 2005’, http://www.pm.gov.uk/output/Page7234.asp
70 ‘UK's Straw voices compassion for suicide bombers’, Ha'aretz (27 May 2002); Nicholas Watt, ‘Lib Dem MP: Why I would consider becoming a suicide bomber,’ The Guardian (23 January 2004).
71 Hansard (22 April 2002).
72 Aluf Benn ‘Blair: I will gather international support for Gaza pullout’, Ha'aretz (7 April 2004); Joe Lyons, ‘Israel must pull out of Gaza, says Blair’, The Scotsman (25 May 2004).
73 Janine Zacharia, ‘Bush threatens to halt PA funds’, Jerusalem Post (27 June 2002); Herb Keinon, ‘Britain pursues contacts with Arafat’, Jerusalem Post (3 July 2002).
74 Douglas Davis, ‘Blair: Arab–Israeli peace talks should precede strike on Iraq’, Jerusalem Post (4 August 2002).
75 Shmuel Bar, ‘Gaza—The British are coming’, Access Middle East (11 April 2004).
76 See note 69.
77 ‘PM's Press Conference, 26 July 2005’, www.pm.gov.uk/output/Page7999.asp
78 Robert Greene, ‘Israel, Britain at odds over forum’, Jewish Telegraphic Agency (10 January 2003).
79 See William Wallace, ‘The collapse of British foreign policy’, International Affairs, 82(1) (2005). For an argument in favour of bridging see Gordon, Transatlantic allies and the changing Middle East.
80 It is worth noting that the peace process only took off when the USSR decided to follow the US lead in the Middle East. More recently, an independent French diplomatic intervention in autumn 2000, scuppered US-led efforts to negotiate a Palestinian–Israeli ceasefire, see Gilad Sher, Within Touching Distance (Tel Aviv: Yedioth Aharonoth, 2001) [Hebrew] pp. 294–298.
81 Cited in Wallace, ‘The collapse of British foreign policy’, p. 55.