Conclusion: Rethinking Statebuilding in Afghanistan

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Notes

1. See, e.g., Barnett Rubin, Afghanistan and Threats to Human Security', paper at the International Symposium on Human Security, Tokyo, 15 Dec. 2001.

2. Arguably, statebuilding was a central strategy of the Allies in post-war Germany and Japan, as well as during the international administration of territories (Danzig, Leticia, and the Saarland) for 15 years by the League of Nations. Richard Caplan, The International Governance of War-Torn Territories: Rule and Reconstruction, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp.28–30. Statebuilding has become a central element of UN peace operations since the early 1990s, culminating in the full international administration of Kosovo and East Timor (now Timor Leste) in 1999.

3. Francis Fukuyama, State Building: Governance and World Order in the Twenty-First Century, London: Profile Books, 2004.

4. See, e.g., Marina Ottaway and Anatol Lieven, ‘Rebuilding Afghanistan: Fantasy versus Reality’, policy brief, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, DC, 12 Jan. 2002.

5. Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-establishment of Permanent Government Institutions, 5 Dec. 2001, signed in Bonn.

6. See, e.g., Rubin, Abby Stoddard, Humayun Hamidzada and Adib Farhadi, Building a New Afghanistan: The Value of Success, the Cost of Failure, New York, Center on International Cooperation, New York University, March 2004, p.15.

7. Government of Afghanistan, ‘Security Sector Paper’, presented to the International Conference on Afghanistan in Berlin, 1 April 2004, p.3.

8. Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan (see n.5 above), p.1.

9. Afghanistan Omnibus Survey, Nov. 2005, questions commissioned by UNDP Afghanistan.

10. Based on initial analysis for the Second DDR Client Satisfaction Survey. UNDP/Afghanistan's New Beginnings Programme, April 2006.

11. Ashraf Ghani, Clare Lockhart, and Michael Carnahan, ‘An Agenda for Statebuilding in the Twenty-First Century’, The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, Vol.30, No.1, Winter 2006, p.101.

12. Robert Axelrod, The Evolution of Cooperation, New York: Basic Books, 1984, p.174, cited in Mark Baskin, ‘Between Exit and Engagement: On the Division of Authority in International Administrations, Global Governance, Vol.10, No.1, Jan.–March 2004, p.121.

13. Annika S. Hansen, ‘International Security Assistance to War-Torn Societies’, in Michael Pugh (ed.), Regeneration of War-Torn Societies, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000, p.36.

14. Such an expansion would be only loosely related to the more well-known democratic peace thesis and would occur selectively where intervention coincides with significant interest on behalf of major powers. Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Security and Development, London: Zed Books, 2001.

15. Condoleeza Rice, ‘Campaign 2000: Promoting the National Interest’, Foreign Affairs, Vol.79, No.1, 2000, pp.46–7.

16. The Taliban were not a party to the Bonn Agreement and remain in opposition to the government and international intervention. On impartiality see Jane Boulden, ‘Mandates Matter: An Exploration of Impartiality in United Nations Operations’, Global Governance, Vol.11, No.2, 2005, pp.147–60.

17. See Kurt Mills, ‘Neo-Humanitarianism: The Role of International Humanitarian Norms and Organizations in Contemporary Conflict’, Global Governance, Vol.11, No.2, 2005, pp.161–8.

18. See Michael Cox, ‘Empire by Denial’, International Affairs, Vol.81, No.1, 2005, pp.26–30.

19. US Mission in Afghanistan, ‘State Department Policy Review’, 1972, cited in Bhabani Sen Gupta, Afghanistan: Politics, Economics and Society, London: Pinter, 1986, pp.15–16.

20. S. Neil MacFarlane, ‘The United States and Regionalism in Central Asia’, International Affairs, Vol.80, No.3, 2004, pp.460–61.

21. Lakhdar Brahimi, cited in Haroon Siddiqui, ‘Expert Advice on Afghanistan’, The Toronto Star, 14 Sept. 2006.

22. David W. Barno, ‘Challenges in Fighting a Global Insurgency’, Parameters, Summer 2006, p.19.