Decolonising knowledge production: the experience of the Syrian Female Journalists Network (SFJN)

ABSTRACT

This article delves into the Syrian Female Journalists Network’s (SFJN) approach to decolonise knowledge production, focusing on a multi-faceted deconstructive framework. Through an examination of our analytic and deconstructive process of media language and discourse, our methodology centres on identifying and challenging prevailing patriarchal and colonial power dynamics and binaries within language, particularly in the Syrian media context. Furthermore, our article addresses the transformative role of language in collectively contesting colonial structures through translation and meaning-making processes. Additionally, the article underscores the utilisation of self-identification as a feminist decolonial strategy, emphasising its role in dismantling fixed identity categories and amplifying marginalised voices. Furthermore, it highlights the significance of accountability towards targeted communities by fostering inclusivity, securing access to knowledge, and validating diverse perspectives. Ultimately, this article offers an insight into SFJN’s nuanced approach of decolonising knowledge.

Cet article étudie l’approche du Réseau des femmes journalistes syriennes (SFJN) pour décoloniser la production de connaissances, en se concentrant sur un cadre déconstructif à multiples facettes. À travers l’examen de notre processus analytique et déconstructif du langage et du discours médiatiques, notre méthodologie est axée sur l’identification et la remise en question des dynamiques de pouvoir patriarcales et coloniales dominantes et des binarités au sein du langage, en particulier dans le contexte des médias syriens. Notre article aborde par ailleurs le rôle transformateur du langage dans la contestation collective des structures coloniales à travers les processus de traduction et de recherche de sens. De plus, l’article souligne l’utilisation de l’auto-identification comme stratégie féministe décoloniale, en insistant sur son rôle dans le démantèlement des catégories d’identité fixes et l’amplification des voix marginalisées. Il met également en relief l’importance de la responsabilité envers les communautés ciblées en favorisant l’inclusion, en garantissant l’accès aux connaissances et en validant les points de vue divers. En définitive, cet article propose un aperçu de l’approche nuancée du SFJN en matière de décolonisation des connaissances.

Este artículo da cuenta del enfoque que utiliza la Red de Periodistas Sirias (SFJN) para descolonizar la producción de conocimiento, empleando un marco desconstructivo polifacético. A partir de una revisión de nuestro proceso analítico y desconstructivo del lenguaje y el discurso de los medios de comunicación, nuestra metodología hace hincapié en identificar e impugnar las dinámicas de poder patriarcales y coloniales imperantes, y los binarios existentes dentro del lenguaje, en particular en el contexto de los medios de comunicación sirios. Asimismo, mediante procesos de traducción y creación de significado, el artículo aborda el papel transformador del lenguaje en la impugnación colectiva de las estructuras coloniales. Además, subraya el uso de la autoidentificación como estrategia feminista descolonial, destacando su papel en el desmantelamiento de las categorías fijas de identidad y la amplificación de las voces marginadas. Al mismo tiempo, insiste en la importancia de rendir cuentas ante comunidades seleccionadas, fomentando la inclusión, garantizando el acceso al conocimiento y validando perspectivas diversas. En conclusión, este artículo ofrece una mirada en torno a cómo la SFJN utiliza un enfoque matizado para descolonizar el conocimiento.

KEYWORDS:

• Feminism
• decolonising knowledge
• media
• Syria
• Arabic language
• deconstruction

1. Introduction

The West and its cultural, cognitive, and political production have been presented as the absolute and ultimate model of history. The ‘West’ is placed at the centre of knowledge production and this shapes and mediates the classification and formation of ‘non-Western’ identities, knowledges, and discourses at the international level, but also at the regional and local levels. In his book Orientalism, Edward Said explores this idea by drawing on Gramsci’s concept of hegemony and Denis Hay’s notion of Europe. Hay argues that the collective idea of Europe assumes that the central element of European culture lies in the idea that European identity is superior to all non-European peoples and cultures. Said adds that placing the West within a series of relations with the East gives the West the upper hand in every interaction (Said 1981).

This framework built around the West and its centrality has been subject to criticism and dismantling by postcolonial feminists and decolonial thinkers, as these groups sought to challenge Western hegemony and create comprehensive discourses that recognise diverse perspectives and different systems of knowledge. However, ‘Western’ feminists have often categorised ‘us’ – ‘non-Western women’ – as ‘others’ in position to them, where their interest in researching the ‘subalterns’ prolonged colonial ideas centred around exploring or identifying experiences of ‘others’ (Mohanty 1984), while rarely addressing systems of oppression and colonialism.

In her book Do Muslim Women Need Saving, Lila Abu-Lughod addresses how ‘gendered orientalism has taken on a new life and new forms in our feminist twenty first century’ (Abu-Lughod 2013, 202). Breny Mendoza also writes that: ‘Works written by “third world feminists”  …  are often deemed unworthy of translation. As a consequence, their work becomes known only after it has been mediated and redeployed by “first world” scholars’ (Mendoza 2015, 103). Moreover, Hasnaa Mokhtar, in her paper ‘A Plea to “Middle Eastern and North African” Feminists: Let’s Liberate Ourselves from Notions of Coloniality’ (Mokhtar 2021), draws attention to issues within the creation of feminist knowledge and advocates for a heightened sense of awareness and consideration while researching and composing works concerning Gulf societies. Mokhtar directs her message to scholars who have connections to and engage with projects in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region, encouraging them to critically question prevailing feminist frameworks and recognise the repercussions of their approaches on the communities under study (Mokhtar 2021).

Decolonising knowledge thus refers to the process of questioning and challenging the ways in which knowledge has been constructed, acquired, and transmitted within societies that have been shaped by colonialism. This includes examining the biases, assumptions, and power dynamics that have been embedded in dominant forms of knowledge production and dissemination, particularly within academic disciplines and institutions. In addition, decolonising knowledge seeks to challenge the colonial legacy that has influenced the ways in which knowledge is valued and defined, and to promote diverse and inclusive forms of knowledge production that recognise the contributions and perspectives of marginalised communities.

The language in which knowledge production and dissemination occurs is also critical. Historically, language was wielded by colonial powers to reinforce their dominance, suppress indigenous languages, and impose their cultural narratives. ‘The bullet served as the instrument of physical domination, while language functioned as the conduit for spiritual subjugation’, as articulated by Ngugi wa Thiong’o. His work in Decolonising the Mind further exemplified how Western cultural and linguistic dominance was underscored, simultaneously devaluing African cultures and languages (Thiong’o 1986). This linguistic hierarchy extended to education, research, and media discourse, perpetuating unequal power dynamics. Hence, language emerges as a potent tool in the endeavours of decolonisation, and particularly in decolonising knowledge, dismantling the entrenched structures of colonial thinking, and fostering a more equitable epistemic landscape. Through language, marginalised voices can resurface, and silenced narratives can find expression, challenging the dominance of Western-centric perspectives. By recentring indigenous languages and knowledge systems, decolonisation employs language to restore agency to communities that have historically endured linguistic and cognitive colonialism. Language serves as a vessel for the transmission of culture and alternative ways of knowing, thereby disrupting the erasure of indigenous wisdom perpetuated by colonial epistemologies. In decolonising knowledge, language becomes an instrument of empowerment, enabling a broader, more inclusive understanding of the world that recognises the richness of diverse perspectives.

Translation and meaning-making processes further contribute to the decolonisation of knowledge and narratives by amplifying diverse voices and perspectives, and disrupting the colonial legacy of linguistic and cultural dominance. They provide a platform for marginalised communities to challenge the binary oppositions and power imbalances perpetuated by coloniality, fostering a more inclusive and equitable exchange of ideas on a global scale. Famously contradicting Ngugi’s stance to only write in his native language, Chinua Achebe contended that English presented the opportunity to reach broader audiences in the ‘Western’ world. Achebe’s stance on language revolved around the use of English as a medium to voice resistance and apprehensions in a manner that would be comprehensible to the oppressors (Achebe 1965). And here, we, Syrian Arabic-speaking feminists, find ourselves adopting similar stances to write and present our experience in English throughout this article.

In our work and knowledge production we try to employ deconstruction to critically analyse power imbalances and binaries inherent in language, focusing particularly on the context of Arabic media. Through deconstruction, we aim to unravel the underlying structures that perpetuate inequalities and oversimplified portrayals of women, and counter monolithic narratives. By deconstructing linguistic constructs and discourses, we unveil the hidden dynamics of power and challenge normative narratives, shedding light on the nuanced complexities of women’s identities and experiences. Additionally, our approach extends to collective efforts of challenging colonial legacies. We recognise that language can both sustain and challenge coloniality, so we engage in translation and meaning-making processes that amplify marginalised voices and diverse perspectives. By reframing narratives, we work towards dismantling the colonial biases embedded in language, fostering a more inclusive and equitable discourse that reflects the multiplicity of cultures and experiences.

Deconstructive approach to knowledge

Deconstruction plays a significant role in postcolonial and decolonial feminism. It challenges the idea of fixed meanings and binary oppositions within language, texts, and discourses. It seeks to expose the underlying assumptions, contradictions, and power dynamics that shape our understanding of concepts, identities, and social structures. In the context of postcolonial feminism, deconstruction is employed as a method to critically analyse and challenge dominant discourses, ideologies, and power hierarchies stemming from colonial and patriarchal histories. It involves examining and destabilising the binary oppositions and hierarchical dualisms that perpetuate inequalities and marginalise certain groups, particularly those from the global South. By deconstructing language, postcolonial feminism exposes the ways in which dominant narratives and representations can reinforce colonial, patriarchal, and Eurocentric perspectives.

In this article specifically, we use deconstruction to examine the role of language in constructing meaning and shaping our understanding of the world. We employ it to question the limitations and biases inherent in language, representation, and discourses. Despite the efforts of postcolonial feminism to address gender issues within postcolonial discourse, the process of deconstruction is still subject to criticism and requires ongoing reconfiguration. Our objective is to establish an inclusive discourse that transcends the central position of the West and western European languages, and moves beyond exclusively examining Western norms when discussing identities and identity politics.

While acknowledging the positive aspects and intentions of deconstruction as a theoretical framework, Black feminists and postcolonial feminists stress its need to better represent marginalised individuals, highlighting limitations despite recognising its potential benefits. bell hooks (1990) critiques postmodern discourse for failing to have a tangible impact or address actual marginalised experiences. Chandra Mohanty (2003) expands on her notions of transnational feminism and decolonisation advocating for locally grounded yet globally conscious feminist praxis. She highlights that Western feminists regard themselves as distinct autonomous individuals. However, they view ‘third-world women’ as a monolith carrying implicit assumptions of obedience, religiosity, and dependency.

Therefore, when addressing deconstruction from our feminist perspective, it is important to highlight concerns about the representation of ‘non-Western’ women and to be attentive to the voices and experiences of women from diverse backgrounds, emphasising agency and resisting the tendency to reduce them to passive subjects or objects of analysis. Considering the above, it becomes crucial to perceive context as dynamic and transformative, rather than fixed. This perspective is often overlooked by many contemporary intellectual, liberal, and human rights movements in the West, or those influenced by it, despite their vitality. This awareness is essential during the process of analysis and deconstruction that we follow.

As feminists from decolonised contexts (and from the global South/South-West Asia and North Africa (SWANA) region/Syria), we aspire to establish a comprehensive discourse that involves decentring the ‘West’ and refraining from restricting discussions on epistemology to Western standards. It is important to point out that we do not advocate for the eradication of Western knowledge or disregard its benefits; rather, we call for contextualising this knowledge within broader frameworks. This approach allows for a process of knowledge accumulation while ensuring inclusivity and agency over narratives.

Amidst the discussions of deconstruction, postcolonial and decolonial feminism, it is worth noting that many rights-based and feminist movements fall into the trap of transcendence and orientalism towards the ‘global South’, neglecting the importance of granting local actors power and agency over their own narratives (Abu-Lughod 2013; Ho 2010; Liddle and Rai 1998). Such tendencies risk overshadowing the voices and experiences of those within the contexts being discussed. In the Syrian Female Journalists Network (SFJN), we recognise the pivotal role of language and discourse in reclaiming agency, interpretation, and advancing human rights within diverse contexts. In this article, our aim is to challenge and deconstruct the colonial approach to knowledge production – which originates from the colonial era and continues to influence the production and dissemination of knowledge in various forms today – by sharing SFJN’s experiences in tackling inequalities within language and discourse in the media and producing contextual local-based knowledge. For instance, we share how we monitor and analyse Syrian media discourse and the power relations embedded in language and terminology and produce reports, guides, and papers offering recommendations and highlighting gendered biases and stereotypes. While acknowledging the value of drawing from Western experiences and gains, we consider dismantling these frameworks as a necessary step to eradicate colonialism from our discourse and enhance the effectiveness of the knowledge we generate. Our objective is not to revolt against the remnants of colonialism or Western ideas in an abstract way, but rather to ensure that the ideas we produce are realistic and attainable. Therefore, our contextual understanding of gender sensitivity and inclusion comes as a top priority. Accordingly, we view the production of knowledge as an integrated process that extends beyond the final product, with significant importance placed on the production process itself and the ways of thinking that are put forward.

Our article focuses on the SFJN’s experience in dismantling patriarchal and colonial structures through the decolonisation and critical analysis of discourse. We shed light on how we as Syrian women reclaim control over our narratives and shape our priorities outside preconceived paradigms that diminish our experiences. Benefiting from the transformative shifts within the Syrian context following the 2011 revolution, we aim to challenge the foundations of local patriarchy and shed light on the experiences of women in conflict and post-conflict scenarios, acknowledging the intricate intersections of violence, refugeehood, and forced displacement. By delving into the SFJN’s experience and exploring the nuances of the Syrian context, we contribute to the broader processes of decolonisation, knowledge production, and empowerment of marginalised voices; all through a critical deconstructive process with three components: analysis of language and discourse, self-identification, and accountability towards the targeted communities.

2. The limited role of media in representing the transformative role of women in Syria

Conflicts are often viewed from a single perspective, focusing on destruction, negative effects, and the victims they leave behind. However, what frequently goes unnoticed is the ability of women and women’s groups to carve spaces of opportunities for collective assertion and action within conflict settings. While stereotypical gendered roles intensify the adverse effects of conflict on women, the very nature of the conflict allows them to break free from these roles, or many of them. For example, in Syria, the conflict has caused the loss of life and forced disappearance of men – and women but far more men were affected due to traditional gender roles – leaving women as the primary breadwinners of their families. As a result, women have increasingly engaged in ‘non-typical’ professions such as fishing, delivery, political work, conflict reporting and more.

SFJN in collaboration with a partner – Masaha Platform – produced a YouTube show about this called ‘This is Women’s Job هذا شغل نسوان ’.

This dynamic pushes women, consciously or unconsciously, to assume new and important roles that disrupt dominant patriarchal patterns and open the door to different challenges in the struggle to achieve social justice.

These transformations and opportunities hold the potential to enable women to exert a more influential presence and important roles across multiple spheres – economic, social, and political. Therefore, women’s relationship with conflict extends beyond victimhood or survival to encompass leadership and active participation, defending rights, activism, and ‘atypical’ work.

However, these empowering social and political shifts often remain less visible, and the attention they receive from the media does not fully capture the local dynamics. Consequently, the long-term transformative implications of women’s social and political roles are not adequately understood or realised.

Regrettably, during times of conflict, most mainstream media’s coverage predominantly centres on recounting the stories of women as victims/survivors, and rarely do we encounter coverage that employs a gender-sensitive lens. Such coverage often reinforces stereotypes and echoes a discourse that reproduces violence and highlights areas of marginalisation and vulnerability in ‘conflict zones’ in the ‘global South’ (Marques de Mesquita 2017). Similar trends are observed in the case of the Syrian alternative/independent media, which has emerged in the last decade. The report titled ‘Fell Inadvertently’, produced by the Gender Radar Program at the SFJN, provides examples from a sample of Syrian media articles addressing the issue of stripping agency from women and portraying them as victims and passive recipients of oppression (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2021b, 25–6). While there has been a tangible improvement in addressing gender and women’s conditions in its discourse, and the recognition of women’s roles has started to permeate media coverage, this shift has been slow and somewhat ‘timid’ and insufficient.

Women’s presence and visibility in media coverage thus tends to be limited to narratives of victimhood and survival. They are rarely referred to as sources, nor are they approached as experts. In addition, light is not sufficiently shed on their positive transformation they have created within the conflict in the public space, which would break the stereotypical roles and create ruptures in traditional patriarchal structures.

Overall, the media has not fully harnessed the potential of these evolving opportunities to contribute substantively to a more nuanced and politically charged representation of women in Syria. Despite some strides in the right direction, media coverage has not effectively advocated for transformations towards social justice and sustainable equality.

3. Role of SFJN in enabling a more gender-sensitive portrayal of women

SFJN considers media production a form of knowledge production, as it involves researching and gathering data, analysis, synthesis, and communication of information, leading to the creation and dissemination of knowledge. It plays a crucial role in shaping public discourse, informing and educating audiences, and fostering a collective understanding of various subjects and issues.

Against this background and recognising media’s potential to either reinforce or challenge unequal power structures and catalyse positive change, the SFJN was founded in 2012, by two Syrian feminist women journalists, Rula Asad and Milia Eidmouni, with the mission to promote a feminist media for social change. Amidst a limited number of Syrian feminist organisations, SFJN stands out for its unswerving commitment to the rights of women and LBT (lesbian, bisexual, and transwomen), with a distinct focus on the media sector. Its objectives encompass advocating for the safety of journalists, enhancing the representation of women in the media, and elevating women to leadership positions. Comprising feminist researchers, journalists, activists, and critical thinkers from Syria and the SWANA region, SFJN embodies an intersectional feminist perspective, emphasising gender justice and social change. SFJN contends that media lacking gender sensitivity in reporting, tracking, and dissemination reinforces the ascribed women’s subordinate position, perpetuates gender stereotypes, and sustains power imbalances. To counter this, SFJN actively engages in transforming media institutions and their discourse by promoting the inclusion of gender-sensitive language and critically analysing media content. Guided by feminist standpoint theory, SFJN prioritises women’s experiences in research, and methodologies, and challenges dominant knowledge systems and practices that marginalise women’s epistemic authority, and diminish their intellectual contributions. Additionally, SFJN employs political reflexivity through feminist standpoint theory, urging researchers (and media creators) to critically examine their own positionality and privilege, while acknowledging the epistemic privilege of marginalised participants and the productions’ political implications. All productions of the SFJN adhere to feminist and alternative epistemologies, aligning with Donna Haraway’s (1988) idea on ‘situated knowledges’.

Our production and editorial processes evolve thorough research, utilising diverse sources and perspectives to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the issues at hand. We prioritise inclusivity, actively seeking voices and stories that have been marginalised or overlooked. A feminist intersectional lens guides our editorial decisions, ensuring the crafting of content that is empowering, respectful, and challenges oppressive norms. Understanding the significance of language in shaping narratives and perceptions, we strive to use inclusive, empowering, and contextual terminology. In addition, our editorial process involves engaging in extensive debates and discussions around terms, agency, objectivity, and contextuality.

Contextuality remains a foundational principle, steering SFJN’s approach to each story within its cultural, social, and historical contexts. This awareness guides our decision-making and ensures that our production is sensitive to the diverse experiences of the communities we cover. Multiple rounds of review and revision ensure continuous improvement, fostering open dialogue and critical reflections.

SFJN monitors and analyses media production, produces thematic reports, guidelines, and research papers to transfer the knowledge and experiences we accumulated. We acknowledge the privileges we have as we speak different languages and have access to diverse knowledge sources and platforms. Therefore, we engage in practices and discussions around translation, contextualisation, and gendering terms and concepts into the Arabic language, as we consider sharing knowledge and making it accessible to our communities is central to our mission.

Deconstructive analysis of language and discourse

The issue of decolonising knowledge is not limited to any specific language or region. The legacy of colonialism has shaped knowledge production and dissemination in various cultures around the world, including in Arabic-language knowledge production. In fact, the Arabic language has a rich history of knowledge production, which has been shaped by diverse cultural, religious, and intellectual heritage and traditions. However, colonialism and Western imperialism have undeniably left its imprint on it, particularly in the fields of social sciences and humanities, where Western theories and methodologies have often been prioritised over local knowledge and perspectives (Mignolo 2019). Therefore, decolonising knowledge production within Arabic contexts requires a critical examination and a challenge to the knowledge construction and reproduction methods that have been shaped by colonial legacies.

Production in the ‘mother tongue’ is a challenge that prompted many feminist researchers to tackle and explore. Ryuko Kubota addresses how to decolonise writing in a second language by challenging the dominance of the English language and European standards. She highlights the potential for writing in a second language to have a position of resistance and empowerment for indigenous and marginalised writers who use their languages and skills to express their identities, cultures, and histories. This process requires a critical awareness of the colonial dimensions of language and writing, as well as a commitment to social justice and solidarity among writers (Kubota 2022).

Hence, within SFJN, we grapple with the formidable challenge of producing feminist knowledge in the Arabic language, countering prevailing misconceptions ingrained in a deeply entrenched patriarchal system and under the shadow of colonial influences. The Syrian regime’s (for long backed with the support of colonial states) historical dominance over narratives, and knowledge has endowed it with the power of language, terminology, and discourse to sow division and attempt to undermine the feminist struggle.

At the same time, it is necessary to acknowledge that some locals (in the SWANA, including Syria), whether they are actors in the public space or the general population, view feminist discourse as a Western construct due to the spread of ideas originating from the West that may have little relevance to the Arab contexts, and the polarising ‘saviour’ discourses that position feminism within Western paradigms (Abu-Lughod 2013). These perceptions create additional challenges for feminists from these regions linked to accusations of Westernisation, detachment from their cultural heritage, and the burden of colonialism (Elsadda 2020).

A convergence of colonialism and patriarchy has thus generated class and linguistic divides through the establishment of a political elite, further marginalising significant segments of the population, rendering them distant from feminist discourse and political engagement. SFJN has undertaken numerous initiatives to bridge these gaps, producing knowledge that harmonises these terminologies and meanings in Arabic, making them more accessible and relatable to a wider audience.

What truly sets the feminist movement apart from the prevailing patriarchal system is its concerted efforts to empower individuals and groups, amplify the voices of marginalised communities, and ensure their integration into discussions and debates. Consequently, our focus on feminist terminology and theories extends beyond deconstruction; it encompasses their contextualisation within the Arabic language, considering its inherent linguistic and cultural nuances. This effort adapts these theories to the social and cultural landscape of our region, reflecting the core of our struggle. It also contributes to our self-awareness, particularly as Arabic-speaking feminists. It reinforces our comprehension of the intricate layers of our identity, the complexities we navigate, and the ideological perspectives we uphold.

In essence, SFJN’s work revolves around the deconstruction of feminist theories and discourse, and situating them within the Arabic language’s sociocultural context. This process is paramount to our feminist endeavours, ensuring the accessibility of these ideas, while navigating the intricacies of our diverse contexts, recognising the challenges unique to our region, and mapping a trajectory of empowerment and change.

In this context, it is important to acknowledge that the Arabic language itself, like any other language, is not immune to hierarchy and inequality. There may be differences in how the Arabic language is spoken and used, including by the political, social, cultural, economic, religious, and other elites. Recognising this, we use the Arabic language as a tool to challenge and subvert established Western epistemological frameworks (its dominance manifested through the various elites). By employing the Arabic language in our feminist discourse, we strive to dismantle power imbalances and promote a more holistic and local understanding of feminist struggles within our specific cultural and linguistic context. Thus, we engage with feminist concepts and theories, subjecting them to criticism and challenge to make them more contextually relevant through an intersectional analysis, deconstruction, and experimentation, and we work in parallel to develop the discourse within the Arabic language. We strive to challenge the prevailing and usual frameworks of the Arabic language and make it more flexible to absorb these concepts and expressions, in addition to challenging the grammatical structure that tends to favour (masculine) forms/terms in the language by foregrounding (feminine) terms, or delving into other grammatical options. For example, one of the grammatical options we employ is the use of passive voice مبني للمجهول , which in Arabic can provide neutral forms in some situations (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2021b).

Hence the SFJN built how it sees ‘feminism’, the first concept that was dismantled and prioritised, to make it more contextual and inclusive, and the first steps that SFJN took were by rethinking feminism in Arabic, as we refer in our charter, bylaws, and policies:

النسوية التي تمثلنا متعددة الجوانب وشاملة، ما يعني أنها تشمل المهجرات/ين والمهاجرات/ين واللاجئات/ين، كما تشمل ذوات/ذوي الإعاقة وجميع الأعمار والأعراق والألوان والإثنيات والانتماءات والمناطق والشعوب المهمشة، و اللامعياريات/ين سواء جسدياً، أم سلوكياً، أم نفسياً. والمثليات والمثليين ومزدوجي الميل الجنسي والعابرات/ين جنسياً وثنائيي الجنس، كما تشمل غير ثنائيي الجنس وغير مستقري/ات الجنس.‏

The feminism that represents us is multifaceted and inclusive, which means that it includes the displaced, immigrants, and refugees, as well as those living with disability, all ages, races, colours, ethnicities, affiliations, regions, marginalised regions and peoples, non-normative, whether physically, psychologically, or behaviourally. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, it also includes non-binary, and gender-fluid.

This process of reconfiguring the concept and politics of feminism entails adapting and redefining terminologies, deconstructing gendered concepts, prioritising the most marginalised groups in the local and political context of Syria, recognising intersections of identities that impact experiences of discrimination and privilege, and employing translation to make knowledge accessible to our communities and, conversely, amplify our voices and weave our experiences into the fabric of international knowledge production.

Priorities and inclusion

In the beginning, SFJN relied on the ‘global/Western’ understanding of the feminism it adopted, wherein Black feminism and indigenous peoples’ issues are at the forefront of the definition. However, as we actively engage in strong solidarity with these concerns in the SWANA region and navigate the intricacies woven into our contexts and the diverse fronts we battle on, we have recognised the imperative to contextualise our priorities and define what should be at the forefront of the feminism that represents us, what resonates with our context profoundly, and what makes the terminology more understandable in the context of our region, specifically Syria. Here, the urgent realities of displaced and refugee women come first, and redefining who indigenous communities constitute and what their priorities and needs are in the local and political context of Syria becomes paramount.

Redefining terms

At the same time, SFJN’s work also includes redefining terms while relying on global academic theories, but by setting a context for their use, and making them local, understandable, and comprehensive.

For example, the exploration and deconstruction of feminism frequently includes the term ‘people of colour’ or ‘women of colour’, a term that has gained acceptance to be politically correct and was adopted to refer to non-white (and often non-black) populations. However, we have chosen not to use it frequently in our definitions and products, as its direct translation and usage in local contexts may not accurately convey the intended meaning. The term ‘of colour/coloured – ملوّن/ملوّنة ’ in the Syrian dialect, for instance, does not align with its connotations, as it is not typically used to describe individuals with dark skin. On the contrary, in Syrian dialects, ‘coloured’ means ‘white’ people, as it refers to individuals with blue or green (coloured) eyes and usually blond hair.

Moreover, the issue of colour does not hold much political significance for Syrian women in their local environment. Nevertheless, as these women cross regional boundaries or engage with international institutions and fora, they may become ‘women of colour’. Thus, the term ‘colour’ does not constitute a local political identity but assumes a global significance.

Therefore, ‘women of colour’/‘people of colour’ terms lack local relevance and other terms need to be examined to understand the multifaceted layers of marginality that operate here, such as refugee woman – لاجئة and internally displaced women – نازحة.

Terminology and identity

SFJN also engages in discussions regarding the adoption of alternative terminology to redefine regional identities. It discusses the replacement of the term ‘Middle East’, which denotes a colonialist, Western-centric, and geocentric perspective, with the term ‘South-West Asia’ that presents a more local geographic reference and brings about a decentring of the West, while also thinking about the potential cultural relevance of terms like ‘Mediterranean Basin’ within some local contexts in the region. Throughout these discussions, our objective remains to challenge prevailing Western-centric perspectives, place ourselves on the global map based on our regional perspective, and establish an identity that is more attuned to our geographical context and local comprehension. It is a first step towards our deconstruction of the term ‘global South’ which is the subject of much discussion and reflection in the organisation.

Tackling gendered dynamics of language through translation

Just as translation from English or from the dominant languages to the Arabic language poses a great challenge to make it contextual and understandable, the reverse holds true as well. This makes it challenging to translate much of our Arabic knowledge production into English, especially due to the localised context of the content and its intended local audience.

To illustrate, we can provide an example in this regard: the English version of the research ‘To Be Taken Seriously ليؤخذن على محمل الجد’ (initially published in Arabic; Syrian Female Journalists Network 2021a, 52). This research analyses the representation and coverage of Syrian women politicians in the media, and one aspect of the analysis and the following recommendations revolves around the use of gendered language that takes into account the use of feminine forms of terms (such as مديرة، نائبة) instead of masculine (مدير، نائب ), when addressing women, as a matter of inclusivity and gender sensitivity. In this context, the provided examples seemed incomprehensible in English due to the absence of different feminine and masculine forms for terms in it (the same word is used for men and women in English):

The specificity of grammar in languages and methods of expression, particularly in our example here we specify the Arabic language, makes the process of translation into English more difficult to convey the context, link it to gender sensitivity in language usage, and clarify the problem under discussion. While there are many points agreed upon globally regarding gender-sensitive discourse and the exchange of experiences in this regard, careful analysis is an effort made by each language within its linguistic capacity, its cultural experience, and distinctive context.

Unveiling the impact of translation on media discourse

In the realm of media discourse, language and translation hold the power to shape narratives, influence perceptions, and either perpetuate or challenge stereotypes. Within SFJN, this intricate dynamic is dissected through our reports that meticulously scrutinise gender sensitivity and inclusion within the Syrian alternative media landscape.

One such report, titled ‘Stereotypical Exceptions’ (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2022b), navigates the treacherous territory of representing women’s success stories in the media. It delves into a critical issue encountered by local media outlets when translating content from international newspapers and agencies. This practice often leads to the replication of narratives that have been originally crafted for distinct audiences, each with their unique agendas. Within these translated narratives, the term ‘refugee’ emerges as a recurring motif, oversimplifying the multifaceted identities and capabilities of those it seeks to describe. The challenge is dual-fold: first, the act of direct translation often fails to capture the nuanced political context, thus distorting the intended message; second, the translated narratives perpetuate the ‘refugee’ identity as an overriding characteristic, thereby marginalising other facets of individuals’ experiences and achievements.

For instance, consider the headline: ‘A Syrian woman refugee outperforms her colleagues and gets a scholarship – لاجئة سورية تتفوق على زملائها وتحصل على منحة دراسية’

Beneath the surface, this sentence inadvertently confines the identity of the woman solely to her refugee status, overshadowing her remarkable accomplishments and contributing to a narrative that perpetuates unequal power dynamics (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2022b, 13–14). In this context, the process of thinking in a certain language introduces a subtle yet profound shift in approach. When we engage in thought processes in our native languages (in this case, Arabic), our logical judgements usually become more contextual and inclusive. This linguistic context awareness reduces the lack of contextual understanding often reflected in the production of knowledge. This phenomenon extends to thinking in any mother tongue, which clarifies the distinctions between established Western classifications and the multifaceted realities of women from the ‘global South’. Unlike rigid theoretical frameworks that iron over differences and pluralities, our approach acknowledges and embraces the diverse contexts from which women’s narratives emanate.

The ‘Stereotypical Exceptions’ report further underscores SFJN’s commitment to dismantling these limitations. Beyond revealing the distortions caused by translation, the report advocates for a conscious shift in editorial policies. It calls for a recalibration of the translation process, emphasising the preservation of context, nuance, and the essence of stories that transcend borders. By focusing on topical discussions that are contextualised rather than verbatim translations, media outlets can proactively combat the perpetuation of stereotypes and the inadvertent marginalisation of narratives (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2022b, 24).

In ‘Stereotypical Exceptions’, SFJN’s approach demonstrates that the impact of translation goes beyond mere linguistic conversion; it shapes identities, perceptions, and realities. As we engage in the complex task of deconstructing media portrayals, we continue to champion narratives that are inclusive, accurate, and respectful of the diverse experiences that contribute to the fabric of our communities (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2022b).

Deconstructing gendered concepts

The ‘Gender Radar’ programme (within SFJN) works to produce analytical reports that monitor gender sensitivity in the Syrian alternative/independent media. In its report ‘Subdued Coverage’ (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2022a), it deconstructs the concept of domestic violence as a foundational step for starting the analysis process. While the prevailing definition usually considered this violence as related to the family, this report pushed for the term to be expanded, deconstructed, and considered as ‘guardian violence’ to include the systematic violence imposed by men in society who may extend to being members of a tribe, clan, or neighbourhood. Thus, local values simultaneously determined the possible form and definition of the violation.

Within the same report, the Gender Radar team worked to deconstruct another term, toxic or false positivity, whereby discourse uses positive, encouraging, or commanding vocabulary in a certain way. Were the women active in getting rid of the situation of domestic violence or not? Although such articles carried a (positive) motivational goal for women, they often blamed them for their action or inaction without paying attention to the context and other factors affecting the victims/survivors in this regard. ‘This kind of indoctrination, blaming women as if they were the cause of their own predicaments, which is called ‘toxic positivity’, runs counter to motivation and denies women the real support they need to deal with what they are facing’ (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2022a, 35).

This is reflective of the dominant ‘Western’ portrayal/coverage of Syrian victims of domestic violence in particular, and the victims from the wider SWANA region where the narrative swings between women breaking free from domestic violence themselves or occupying the passive status of ‘victims’. The nuances and the contextual factors that shape gender-based violence in Syria are not addressed and SFJN attempts to decolonise these media portrayals through translation and deconstruction of feminist terms and concepts, striving to unpack these layers through an intersectional lens (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2022a).

4. SFJN’s adaptation of self-identification as a feminist decolonial strategy

The Syrian Revolution in 2011 has created opportunities for meaningful discussions about identity and belonging. Many Syrians expressed a sense of ‘belonging’ to Syria following the revolution. They started identifying themselves as ‘revolutionaries – ثوّار/ثائرات ’ or ‘free – حرّ/ حرّة/ أحرار’, reflecting their belief in justice and freedom. Syrians started documenting, archiving, and sharing their lived experiences and stories, digitally and through other means. However, academic research and media coverage on Syria have predominantly been conducted by Western researchers and investigative journalists using Western-centric methods and assumptions (Na Zhao 2019). Furthermore, much of the knowledge is produced in English (or West European languages), neglecting the Arabic, Kurdish, Assyrian, and other languages spoken by Syrian communities.

From a feminist perspective, decolonisation involves examining and challenging dominant forms of knowledge, promoting diverse experiences of women, and recognising intersecting identities. It also entails exploring alternative forms of knowledge that recognise the agency and resistance of marginalised groups. Self-identification is a process by which individuals define and categorise themselves according to various personal characteristics like race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and religion. This process is influenced by individual and collective experiences, cultural norms, social interactions, and historical and political contexts. Self-identification is also complex and multifaceted, and it can impact individuals’ and groups’ sense of identity and belonging. It also poses a form of resistance against dominant narratives and norms that marginalise or exclude certain groups.

However, self-identification is not always straightforward, and individuals and groups may experience conflicts or contradictions between different aspects of their identities. This can be particularly challenging in contexts with rigid social norms and expectations, and where individuals are expected to conform to a particular set of identities and categories. Allowing individuals to define themselves according to their own experiences and perspectives requires creating inclusive environments that acknowledge diversity and the complexity of human identities, and promote understanding and empathy across different groups. Ultimately, it is a fundamental aspect of human agency and autonomy, and should be respected and valued as such.

In SFJN, we navigate nuanced discussions about agency, recognising the complexities of power dynamics and the need to avoid projection or essentialising portrayals of individuals. We believe that the current struggle revolves around the ‘battle of narratives’. Whose narratives are being documented and embraced? Whose stories are being told, and who has the agency to tell those stories? It is paramount to ensure that women’s stories and experiences over the past 12 years are well-documented and acknowledged, as they have unique perspectives and have experienced the conflict from various angles. However, their voices are still not adequately heard, and it is imperative to amplify and include their voices in the narrative-building process. However, we recognise that these stories and experiences should be told by women’s own voices, as actors and sources of knowledge and experience, not merely a character in someone else’s stories. For example, in SFJN’s research ‘To Be Taken Seriously’, women participants noted that they withdrew from media appearances and interviews because they had many experiences where their quotes were edited to fit the institution’s agenda, ripping it out of its context. Many other times they were introduced using wrong information or in an undermining way (Syrian Female Journalists Network 2021a, 33, 37, 39).

Besides promoting women’s presence in media content and highlighting their perspectives and active participation, SFJN follows a particular approach when conducting interviews with women participants for reports or papers. We seek their input on how they wish to be introduced and which terms reflect their experiences better (refugee/exiled/forcibly displaced? victim/survivor?), we use their language and phrasing. In addition, we share the quotes featured in the report/paper with them to double check, aiming to prevent any misunderstandings or misinterpretations of their ideas and statements.

It is vital to understand and address the multiple complex identities we hold as (Syrians, Arab, Kurdish, rebels, feminists, women, refugees, forcibly displaced, exiled, victims, survivors, peace-builders, politicians, activists, human rights defenders, researchers, and/or journalists), and make a space for everyone to mix and select what best resonates with their identity, shapes their position, and/or tells their story. These self-assertions must shape the translation processes and media representations, and constitute an important way to decolonise dominant understandings about gender and feminism.

5. Accountability towards targeted communities

In a landscape dominated by knowledge produced in Western European languages, the ability to be accountable to the communities being addressed is restricted, particularly for those whose members do not speak these languages. This raises the question of how Syrian women – for instance – can engage in reviewing, challenging, critiquing, or counter-arguing how they are portrayed and how their experiences are being addressed.

Accountability is a fundamental aspect of deconstruction, especially in the context of challenging dominant narratives and power imbalances. By being accountable to the communities in focus, both individuals and institutions engage in a process of recognising the perspectives and voices of marginalised groups. This process involves acknowledging historical injustices, confronting biases, and actively involving the targeted communities in knowledge production concerning them.

Decolonising knowledge necessitates a shift in power dynamics, accountability, and ethical responsibility towards research participants, media sources, and targeted communities. It is crucial to recognise that language barriers can perpetuate marginalisation and further exclude the voices and perspectives of these communities. Therefore, decolonisation requires adopting inclusive methodologies that prioritise meaningful engagement, translation, and interpretation. Knowledge production (including media content) must actively seek ways to bridge linguistic gaps, ensuring that the knowledge generated is accessible, relevant, and responsive to the experiences and needs of the participants, sources, and communities involved. This necessitates an ongoing commitment to collaboration, transparency, and reciprocity, where knowledge is co-owned, and production materials are shared back with the communities in a language and format that respects their cultural contexts and preferences. SFJN actively involves local journalists and community members in discussions and feedback processes to ensure contextual relevance. This inclusive approach extends to producing accessible content, fostering community trust, and promoting co-ownership in knowledge production. For instance, SFJN recently published podcast episodes summarising key insights from the Gender Radar programme’s reports, making academic content more accessible to a diverse audience. These episodes feature women journalists and researchers who provide expert analysis and critique of media discourse, exposing various forms of discrimination, bias, and oppression. Additionally, SFJN consistently underscores the importance of ‘agency’, a central theme in its analytical tools and gender-sensitive journalism training.

It is crucial to acknowledge the historical context of colonialism and political oppression that have influenced knowledge production in Syria and around it. This entails recognising and challenging the biases, power imbalances, and epistemic injustices that have marginalised local voices and perspectives. Thus, it is important to seek out and value local knowledge holders, engage in meaningful dialogue with them, and actively involve them in the process.

Furthermore, accountability encompasses a participatory approach that considers accessibility and privilege, especially for women, who have historically and systematically faced limited access to education and knowledge sources. Knowledge production processes should aim to co-create knowledge with the communities, seeking their consent and input at every stage of the process. This involves building trust and fostering reciprocal relationships. The goal is to empower the communities and grant them agency over their narratives, enabling their voices to be heard and valued in shaping knowledge. Such an approach may involve different methods such as storytelling, documenting oral histories, using and exploring spoken non-formal dialects (اللهجات المحكية ـ). This helps challenge dominant narratives, dismantle power imbalances, and ensure that the produced knowledge genuinely reflects the experiences, needs, and aspirations of the Syrian communities. Ultimately, it promotes a more equitable and just understanding of Syria and its complex dynamics.

Consequently, in SFJN we focus on producing knowledge in the Arabic language and translating it to English when needed by donors and other stakeholders, rather than the reverse. Our community of Syrian women journalists, human rights defenders, and Syrian media institutions are our main target and audience, and to be committed to them they must have access to our production and be able to challenge and criticise it, we also encourage them to provide feedback and comments. We rely on Syrian women experts as trainers and mentors for our community, and challenge our donors and international partners to produce reports, guide books, and manuals, hold discussions and workshops, and provide training in Arabic. While SFJN’s team remains relatively small, we aspire to produce content in Kurdish and other Syrian-spoken languages as well.

6. Conclusion

In the landscape of Arabic feminist knowledge production, SFJN emerges as an actor of transformation and change, defying prevailing patriarchal and colonial power dynamics. SFJN delves into the nuances of media’s language and discourse through a meticulously crafted deconstructive framework, deciphering the hidden binaries that perpetuate inequity. This journey of analysis and deconstruction is not merely an academic exercise; it is a fervent commitment to dismantling the barriers that obscure the voices of the marginalised and relegate them to the periphery.

SFJN’s approach extends beyond linguistic analysis; it rallies the potency of language as a collective force for change. Translating narratives, unshackled from colonial structures, breathes life into previously muted stories. As we transcend linguistic confines, we transcend colonial limitations, setting a stage for narratives that emanate from the core of communities, amplified by their own expressions. Within this tapestry of reclamation, self-identification emerges as a potent decolonial strategy. By disrupting fixed identity categories, SFJN paves a path for those cast into the shadows to step into the light. No longer relegated to being merely characters in someone else’s stories, they author narratives that emanate from their lived experiences, diverse perspectives, and multifaceted identities.

The accountability SFJN holds towards its communities epitomises the heart of decolonisation. It dismantles the hierarchies that historically excluded marginalised voices. A commitment to inclusivity underscores every facet of the network’s endeavours, from knowledge production to dissemination. In this profound collaboration, power dynamics shift, and the constructed narratives regain authenticity, mirroring the lived realities of those they represent.

SFJN’s journey to decolonise knowledge is a testament to the relentless spirit of feminism and the power of language as a tool of liberation. This journey, while localised, carries universal significance. It speaks to the transformative potential when communities take ownership of their narratives, transcending linguistic, social, and geographical confines. SFJN’s pursuit of decolonised knowledge is not just about challenging historical injustices; it is about sowing the seeds of a future where voices long suppressed are not only heard but celebrated for their authenticity and vitality.

Acknowledgements

We would like to express our gratitude to all of our colleagues in the Syrian Female Journalists Network whose work on reports, outlined in this work as examples, has supported and contributed to the completion of this paper. Their work and ideas have been invaluable. Feminist researchers and journalists: Rula Asad, Rula Othman, Hiba Mehrez, Lama Rajeh, and Maya Boty.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Hayma Alyousfi

Hayma Alyousfi, a Syrian feminist, human rights activist and researcher, with an MA degree in Risk and Security from Durham University, UK, is the General Programme Manager of the Syrian Female Journalists Network (SFJN). Hayma has actively engaged with Syrian civil society initiatives and organisations since 2012, and was awarded the Civil Society Leadership Award by the Open Society Foundation in 2015. She has cultivated expertise in diverse fields: Advocacy and Communication, Gender Equality, and Gender Mainstreaming. In 2023, Hayma achieved the certification from the International Training Centre of the ILO to become a Certified Participatory Gender Audit Facilitator, further underscoring her commitment to gender equality and empowerment. Currently, as the General Programme Manager of the SFJN, her roles involve co-designing, supervising, and managing all programmes, fostering crucial partnerships with a diverse array of stakeholders including international partners, Syrian independent media outlets, women journalists, and women human rights defenders. Postal address: Hasan Celal Güzel Cad. 01084, Sehitkamil, Gaziantep, Turkey 27560. Email: [email protected]

Rand Sabbagh

Rand Sabbagh is a Syrian journalist and researcher with almost 20 years of experience. She studied media and journalism at Damascus University and has since played diverse roles in media, gender-based violence advocacy, and political activism. Rand co-founded one of Syria’s earliest alternative media outlets during the 2011 revolution. After leaving Syria in 2012, she settled in Berlin, where she continued her work in media and activism as an editor-in-chief and consultant for multiple outlets and Syrian NGOs. As the Executive Director of the Syrian Female Journalists Network (SFJN) since 2023, Rand leads efforts to amplify women’s voices, challenge dominant narratives, and facilitate meaningful dialogue. She initially joined SFJN in 2020 as a content specialist and was later promoted to Deputy Director in 2021. Email: [email protected]