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Articles

When institutions ‘bite’: Malaysia’s flawed democratisation

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Pages 492-513 | Received 30 Aug 2022, Accepted 23 Feb 2023, Published online: 22 Mar 2023
 

ABSTRACT

While the expectation is that electoral turnover spurred by change agents will translate to political reform and/or consolidation of reform, recent outcomes have been disappointing. Taking the example of Malaysia’s recent political change, we argue that carrying out political reform and consolidating them remain elusive because there are strong tendencies by all parties – change agents included – to stay invested to aspects of state’s institutional qualities. We explain that institutions ‘bite’; that change agents are not completely free agents because political reform remains highly dependent on existing institutional qualities, the so-called rules of the game. While new reform ideas hold promises of change, issues of path dependence, increasing returns, and dense institutional networks impose challenges to actors making them highly invested in existing institutional mixes resulting in a botched democratisation effort.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 Prior to 1973, the dominant political coalition was called the Alliance (Parti Perikatan). This was made up of three parties. In 1973, this coalition was expanded to include several other political parties, giving birth to the Barisan Nasional.

2 Four coalitions contested in the election. Most seats had more than 3 candidates contesting with one parliamentary seat having nine candidates.

3 Tapsell (Citation2020, pp. 190–208).

4 Jan (Citation2020, pp. 1–44).

5 Lipscy and Scheiner (Citation2012, pp. 311–322); Hatab (Citation2020, pp. 69–81); 65; Reny (Citation2021, pp. 138–143); Bünte (Citation2022, pp. 336–352); Freedman (Citation2007, pp. 192–216).

6 Battilana and Casciaro (Citation2012, pp. 381–398).

7 DiMaggio and Powell (Citation1983, pp. 147–160).

8 Money was embezzled from Malaysia’s government investment company (1 MDB) which then Prime Minister Najib Razak led its advisory board. The US Justice department found that about US$2.7 billion out of US$6.5 billion raised by investment bank Goldman Sachs was stolen by people connected to Najib. This theft involved a series of bribes, spending on luxury items (even a yacht), the funding of a Hollywood movie (The Wolf of Wall Street) and money being siphoned into personal accounts. Najib was found guilty of siphoning money related to a subsidiary of 1MDB when about US$681 million landed in his personal account.

9 Ufen (Citation2020, pp. 59–81).

10 Capoccia (Citation2016, p. 1100).

11 North (Citation1990, p. 97).

12 North (Citation1990).

13 O'Donnell (Citation1996, pp. 34–51).

14 North (Citation1990, p. 98).

15 Sewell (Citation1996, pp. 1–30).

16 Hacker (Citation2005, pp. 40–82); Mahoney and Thelen (Citation2010, pp. 1–37).

17 David (Citation1985, pp. 332–337); Arthur (Citation1994, pp. 13–32).

18 Arthur (Citation1994, pp. 13–32).

19 Levi (Citation1997, pp. 19–41).

20 Pierson (Citation2004, p. 64).

21 Pierson (Citation1994, pp. 15–17); Noh (Citation2014, pp. 190–202).

22 Pepinsky (Citation2014, pp. 631–653); Hall and Taylor (Citation1996, pp. 936–957).

23 Capoccia (Citation2016, p. 1100).

24 Capoccia (Citation2016).

25 Capoccia (Citation2016).

26 Pierson (Citation2004, pp. 168–169).

27 O'Donnell (Citation1996, pp. 34–51); O'Donnell (Citation1994, pp. 155–169).

28 Mahoney and Thelen (Citation2010, p. 8).

29 Streeck and Thelen (Citation2005, pp. 19–30).

30 Buchanan (Citation1988, pp. 1020–1023).

31 Mahoney and Thelen (Citation2010, pp. 1–236).

32 Pierson (Citation2004, p. 16); Thelen (Citation1999, pp. 369–404); Thelen (Citation2004, pp. 1–335).

33 Pierson (Citation2004, pp. 14–15).

34 Levitsky and Way (Citation2020, pp. 51–65).

35 Diamond (Citation2015, pp. 147–160).

36 Morgenbesser and Pepinsky (Citation2019, pp. 3–35); Levitsky and Way (Citation2002, pp. 51–65); Slater (Citation2003, pp. 81–101).

37 Scott (Citation1972, pp. 91–113).

38 Huntington (Citation2016, pp. 193–218).

39 Weingrod (Citation1968, pp. 377–400).

40 Weingrod (Citation1968).

41 Gomez and Sundaram (Citation1997, pp. 9–11).

42 Gomez and Sundaram (Citation1997).

43 Rethel (Citation2020, pp. 9–10).

44 Gomez and Tong (Citation2021, pp. 3–15).

45 Gomez and Tong (Citation2021).

46 Dettman and Gomez (Citation2020, pp. 36–55).

47 This council includes Malaysia’s richest man Robert Kuok, Daim Zainuddin, a close aide of Mahathir, Zeti Akhtar Aziz, the former governor of Malaysia’s central bank and KS Jomo, a prominent academic.

48 Jan (Citation2020, p. 16).

49 Ufen (Citation2020, pp. 59–81).

50 Tapsell (Citation2020, pp. 190–208).

51 Ufen (Citation2020, p. 63).

52 Tapsell (Citation2020, p. 197).

53 Noh and Yashaiya (Citation2022, pp. 126–128).

54 Boulanger (Citation1996, pp. 660–679); Means (Citation1987, pp. 168–183).

55 Yashaiya and Noh (Citation2019, pp. 203–216).

56 Evers (Citation2012, pp. 6–7).

57 Noh (Citation2019, pp. 2–4).

58 See (https://election.thestar.com.my/ accessed 20 September 2021).

59 Waikar (Citation2019, pp. 1–3).

60 Jan (Citation2020, pp. 1–44).

61 Jan (Citation2020).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Abdillah Noh

Abdillah Noh is an Associate Professor in the Department of History and International Studies. He works in the area of institutions and institutional change. He is currently working on two book manuscripts. The first is on the unintended consequences of Malaysia's State formation, and the second is titled “Political Change in Southeast Asia: An Institutional Perspective.” Abdillah has a DPhil (Politics) from St Antony's College, University of Oxford.

Nadia H. Yashaiya

Nadia H. Yashaiya is a fellow at the Centre for Advanced Research (CaRE), Universiti Brunei Darussalam. Nadia works at the intersection of change management and public policy. Nadia obtained her PhD from the Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Western Australia.

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