Demanding a bigger role: Palestinian women in politics and decision making

ABSTRACT

The political participation¹ of Palestinian women in its many forms has been significantly influenced by Palestinian history. The male-dominated society and political system have hindered women’s prominence in society and in politics. Although slowly on the rise, lack of women’s representation and their voices is reflected in the low number of women in higher political echelons and in policy and decision making in general. After the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and 1995² in 1993, women were integrated in state building processes, yet formal female participation was weak and marginalized and their representation, despite women’s political activism, remained low and not to the extent hoped for. This paper sheds light on the Palestinian women’s involvement in politics and decision making firstly in the pre-Oslo era under non-indigenous Palestinian government and then in the post-Oslo era after the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority, with focus on involvement in negotiations with Israel and internal Palestinian reconciliation efforts. It also focuses on UNSCR 1325, the degree of influence it has had on women’s engagement and the mechanisms established to enhance a bigger role for women in politics and decision making, leading towards a larger role in nation-state building and reconciliation and peace negotiations. Recommendations are offered for measures to increase future participation.

KEYWORDS:

• Palestine
• women
• negotiations
• decision making
• politics

1. Background: Palestinian women in politics and decision making

The political participation of Palestinian women has been much influenced by Palestinian history spanning the years of the British Mandate over Palestine (1917–1948), the Palestinian catastrophe -Nakba – in 1948, throughout the aftermath of the signing of the Oslo Accords and by their continued struggle under an ongoing Israeli occupation for over 50 years. Furthermore, Palestinian women’s participation has been influenced by Palestine’s male dominated culture.

The socioeconomic, political and cultural context and practices have shaped Palestinian women’s engagement and have revealed possibilities and limitations for women as part of groups and as individuals in a larger political body, within and outside of political parties and with an increasing political and feminist consciousness (Joseph 1986). The history of dispossession, seeking refuge and nation building has compelled Palestinian women from all classes and backgrounds to enter the resistance and state-building movements over the past decades, stirring their consciousness and awareness of how their political activism impacts their lives as women in a context of patriarchy (Peteet 1986). There continue to be severe social and economic ramifications of the Israeli occupation on the lives of all Palestinians.

Since the early 19th century, Palestinian women have demonstrated organization, leadership and political activism which dramatically increased with the increasing confrontations with the various occupying authorities. They have also challenged and relatively altered the traditional perception and image of women and their role in society, yet their formal political participation faces many obstacles. Despite the high proportion of Palestinian women who are educated and their achievements, women’s participation in the Palestinian body politic is significantly much lower than men, hence their marginal political role.

The Palestinian political system, as in the rest of the Arab world and the world at large, is male dominated. Although slowly on the rise, the lack of representation of Palestinian women and their voices is reflected in the low number of women in the higher political echelons and in policy and decision making in general. Palestinian women struggle to varying degrees to be heard by leaders in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Women have been generally pushed aside by the establishment of the political machinery post signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 (State of Palestine 2013). This has been mainly attributed to the nature of the male dominated system and the breakdown and constituencies of its political parties. It was a concern highlighted in the current Palestinian strategy for justice and equality between genders and voiced by stakeholders (Ministry of Women’s Affairs 2017).

The voices of Palestinian women are occasionally listened to but often filtered to a level of lip service and a cosmetic contribution. The voices of women are still dominated by those of their male counterparts. Palestinian women’s struggle for equality between men and women is a vivid topic and most important and difficult in the context of political conflict.

Comparatively, women’s numbers are higher in internal social and state building related to grassroots activity and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The role of these organizations is crucial for matters pertaining to conflict resolution, nation-building and internal peace, social and economic justice and equality. Although, for example, underrepresented in formal peace negotiations, women were key in building grassroots support for political activism and in advocating for further inclusion of women at all levels. There have been several Palestinian women icons throughout the last century who engaged in various forms of struggle against the occupier³. Ahed Tamimi⁴ amongst others is a young Palestinian resistance icon currently reflecting women’s spontaneous activism and political consciousness, challenging patriarchal control and invariably stirring feminist consciousness.

Governmental and civil society institutions in Palestine have instituted measures and mechanisms to enhance women’s participation in accordance with Palestine’s endorsement of, for example: The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). They continue to monitor the process of harmonization of laws with endorsed treatises and conventions.

Undoubtedly, socioeconomic factors, male-domination and the politics of authoritarianism pose obstacles to women’s prominence in society, in the electoral arena and in politics (Shalaby 2016)⁵. Men are further advantaged by their social capital and homosociality which offer them resources and instruments unavailable to women (Benstead 2013)⁶ .This reflects negatively on women who, as a result, may refrain from having a more effective political or social role in society and in garnering voter and participation support and backing.

2. Historical background on participation

2.1. Palestinian women’s participation in the twentieth century – pre-Oslo

The commitment and effort towards increasing Palestinian women’s participation in socio-political matters is not new and has been visible for decades. Palestinian women’s political activity was evidenced in their demonstrations in 1893 against the establishment of the first Jewish settlement in Affula. In 1920, women protested the Balfour Declaration in the name of all women of Palestine through a letter signed by a group of Palestinian women addressed to the chief administrator of the region.

In 1929, nine Palestinian women were shot dead by the British Mandate army at the battle of Al Buraq⁷. This led to further organization of women and the holding of the first Palestinian women’s conference in the same year, the formation of the Assembly of Arab Women and the creation of an Arab Women’s Union in both Jerusalem and Nablus, marking the beginning of an organized women’s movement in Palestine. They staged several demonstrations and were heavily involved in economic, cultural and social activities (Jabali 2009). This included participation of women from various classes and areas in demonstrations against the British Mandate, smuggling and delivering weapons to Palestinian fighters and the sharing of information on British troops.

2.2. Palestinian women’s participation 1948–67

The Palestinian Nakba of 1848 shattered and dispossessed Palestinians and shook their infrastructure. Women however continued social activities between 1948 and 1967 through various charitable institutions in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and in the diaspora in refugee camps. They were engaged in establishing and managing charitable institutions including orphanages, schools and other community related centres, and delivering humanitarian supplies and relief to displaced people and refugees.

There was however no formal organization of women’s unions until the creation of the General Union of Palestinian Women (GUPW) in 1965 with a growing awareness of the contribution of women and the need to establish a democratic platform for Palestinian women wherever they resided⁸. By the end of 1967, there were 68 Palestinian women associations working in philanthropy and social work (Samaroo 2018). The GUPW brought under its umbrella women’s organizations working in various realms including health, education and those offering legal, social and vocational services to women, whilst strengthening the women’s movement and linking with women worldwide. It opened branches in the diaspora and continues to operate to date under the PLO (Palestinian Liberation Organization) (Hawari 2019).

Women became more politicized with the creation of the PLO in 1964 and engaged in aspects of the national struggle, focusing more on the struggle and joining political factions rather than on a feminist gender equality agenda. They worked in armed resistance, participated in military operations, social work and underground work against occupation. In this way they joined the PLO institutions and actively participated in PLO activities.

2.3. Palestinian women’s participation 1967: establishment of the Palestinian authority – pre-Oslo

The Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967 was a major turning point in encouraging the Palestinian women’s movement towards mass mobilization and further political activism, including the emergence of grassroots non-governmental women’s organizations, confronting occupation with all forms of resistance (Cohen 1995). Palestinian political factions in the late 70s and early 80s established their affiliate women’s organizations which were closely tied to the party. Four such organizations affiliated with the main Palestinian political parties were established with a focus on mainly social activities but also on mobilization of women for political action. Women were also active in establishing other grassroots and community institutions and structures.

Women’s participation in NGOs has been prominent throughout the past decades. Their role in NGOs was crucial in the absence of an indigenous Palestinian government. Women acted as heads of institutions, were members of the operating staff and sat on boards. Their contribution was prompted by social needs and national considerations as women’s issues were treated secondary to the social and political needs.

The first Intifada⁹1987–1993 represented a broad-based grassroots resistance and civil disobedience by organized and unorganized women. It was a major catalyst behind the organization of Palestinian women. Scenes of women in mass demonstrations against occupation and girls throwing stones were common. Women were distributing leaflets, defying curfews, teaching students of schools that had been forced to close in homes and fields in the open air, growing food and treating the injured. Several women were injured and imprisoned while some acted as community and political organizers leading hundreds of women and engaging in establishing grassroots leadership. In essence women were key for sustaining the community and increasing the uprising¹⁰. Women’s involvement in the various activities of the Intifada brought them to the forefront of the national struggle, increased their visibility and created various opportunities for women from all walks of life whether previously politically active or not. However, only a few women were involved in the higher committees leading the Intifada.

The social work and service provision by women’s and other NGOs became most prominent in the absence of a Palestinian authority and the increasing need to fill the gap created by the political circumstances. Women’s work and contributions were prominent in these organizations. Within their social work contributions, political organizing was taking place with the increasing influence of women as thousands of men were imprisoned or exiled (Aziza 2017).

This period has also witnessed a widening role for women academics who had gained visibility and pushed forward a gender agenda alongside the national cause. It was also characterized by alternative organizing of traditional authorities in all sectors of society, with a further injection of the values of democracy, volunteerism and complementarity widening women’s roles. Thus, for women, the focus became more about developing a clear political and social development agenda, with an increasing awareness of women’s rights and their participation in all spheres of social action and the resistance activities of the Intifada. Several have spoken and written about life under occupation and have been able to reach an international audience and consequently funding for women’s organizations and activities focusing on women’s legal and social rights (Maura. 2013).

Women’s organizations have not functioned under a unified strategy. In 1990 a conference titled ‘the Intifada and social related issues of Palestinian women’ brought women from various political orientations to evaluate progress and draw up future plans with a feminist eye. It coincided with the move towards the Madrid negotiations and the peace process and a new phase for Palestinians at large. Hopes were high for women’s inclusion in the newly to be established political and social structures.

Women’s political status and issues however remained secondary and women were minimally involved in political decision making. In 1991, the PLO established technical committees on infrastructure. Of its 300 appointees, only 6 were women while the number was raised to 66 out of 366 with the establishment of the Women’s Affairs Technical Committees (WATC) in 1992 – a coalition of women affiliated to 7 political parties, women’s organizations and centers.

2.4. Participation post-Oslo

2.4.1. Participation in state building in general

With the creation of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) after the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993¹¹, women, particularly activists on the ground during the first Intifada, were frustrated as they were losing their leadership roles to predominantly male politicians and inevitably pushed aside through the new structures created by the PNA (Hawari 2019). Several of the previously successful women’s grassroots organizations became NGOs dependent on donor funding.

Women continued to increasingly work on integrating women’s rights and related issues into the development and state building processes. However, female participation was weak and marginalized, and their representation in the leadership of Palestinian political parties – despite women’s political activism – remained low and not to the extent hoped for (Alsaafin 2014). This triggered the women’s movement and organizations to explore modified and new roles in light of the political developments, and to start actively working to prepare women for leadership and to challenge the exclusionary political establishment.

Women’s role in the 2000 second Intifada was insignificant when compared with the first Intifada. Women’s participation in demonstrations and confrontations with the Israeli military in the streets and at check points was minimal due to the militarized environment of the second Intifada. However women’s contributions were evident in family and community social matters as a result of the worsening economic conditions.

In 2003 Hamas¹² announced its intention to form the Islamic Women’s Movement. This was significant for the history of the Palestinian women’s movement as it showed that, for the first time, women had become a strategic concern for the leadership under the banner of Islam and reflected Hamas’s acknowledgement of the importance of women’s mobilization. Hamas established a Women’s Action Department and opened doors for Islamic women’s engagement, especially the more educated and outspoken. Islamic women in universities and graduates of higher education were instrumental in broadening the constituency base of Hamas especially on the Gaza Strip and in its electoral victory in 2006. The Women’s Action Department was able to integrate women into political organs in the Hamas leadership and its popular base, enabling women to represent 15.3% of the members of the consultative policy body of the party, softening the party’s earlier strict gender agenda and helping to reshape the perceived image of Hamas as a more popular political movement rather than a military organization. Hamas has succeeded in ‘forging a brand of nationalism in which Islam is integral and which constitutes a mobilizing force for the masses’ (Jad 2010).

Furthermore Hamas, in its language on targeting of women, has reflected a change from its 1988 charter which focused on Hamas’s duty to bring secularized Palestinian Muslim women and train them to guide the future generations, to their description of the role of women in 2017 as ‘fundamental in the process of building the present and the future, just as it has always been in the process of making Palestinian history. It is a pivotal role in the project of resistance, liberation and building the political system’ (Middle East Eye 2017). As a result, some women consider Hamas offers women in Gaza many opportunities to become political, social and even military leaders, outside of the Palestinian women’s movement.

With the establishment of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), women’s lobbying intensified for equal rights and against discriminatory legislation. The Basic Law is the Supreme Law of Palestine¹³ and represents its temporary constitution. Article 9 states that Palestinians are ‘equal before the law and the judiciary, without distinction based on race, sex, color, religion, political views or disability’. However, Article 4 presents Sharia – the Islamic law – as the main source of legislation. This Article paves the way for discriminatory provisions and practices based on conservative interpretations (Azzouni 2010). Nevertheless, through women’s activism, drafted laws have somehow been influenced by women’s activists engaged in dialogue with the PLC.

Women’s right to vote and stand for election are enshrined in the General Elections Law No 9 of 2005 which regulates Presidential and Parliamentary elections and the Local Councils Law No 10 of the same year¹⁴. However, in practice appointments to senior political positions are usually made by the President on the recommendation of the Cabinet and are generally tilted towards males (Naser-Hussein 2010).

The 2006 internal division between the two rival political factions Hamas and Fatah,¹⁵ and the failure to institute a unity government in subsequent years in addition to the ongoing Israeli occupation, have been detrimental to women’s aspirations and their political and civil liberties and continue to overshadow discrimination and patriarchy. The PLC has been paralysed since the internal division. In the absence of a PLC, there were over 230 Presidential Decrees issued with very few dealing with women’s issues¹⁶.

Women in the Arab world in general have the lowest rates of political representation (average 17.2%). When compared with the representation of women in national parliaments in the Arab World, Palestine is placed in the lower middle: around 10% women’s representation in the Palestine National Council (PNC) and 15% in the PLC¹⁷. Table 1 below reflects the current involvement of Palestinian women in various decision making, leadership and influential positions.

Table 1. Female representation in politics and higher decision making.

Body	Females
PLO- PNC	1964 – A total of 21 women were invited to participate out of 422 members in the first PNC −5%^a 1996 – Women accounted for 7.5% of 744 members 2017 – Women accounted for 9.7% of members 2018–10 additional female members joined
PLO Executive committee	1996 – All of the 16 members were men 1918 – one out of 18 members were female
PLC members	1996 – 28 F & 676 M nominated to the PLC; 5 F and 83 M elected in the first Palestinian Parliamentary elections 2006–17 F out of 132 seats^b in the second Parliamentary elections^c
Governors	1996 – No women up until 2006 2006 to date – one woman out of 16 governors
Ministers	1997– 2 ministers are women 2009–4 ministers 2018–3 out of 20^d
Women in local government	2004 – 2005 – Women won 18% of the seats in the West Bank (WB) and the Gaza Strip 2012 – Elections in WB only where women won 20.6% of seats^e 2017–21.2% won by women^f
Women diplomats	1993 – Only one woman ambassador 2014–4.3% of ambassadors are women 2017–5.8%^g
Judges	2004 – 11 female judges out of 116–9.5% 2014–11.3%^h 2017–17.3%^i
Public Prosecutors	2016 – 17% of public prosecutors are women^j 2017–18%^k
University student councils	2017–12.4% of members are women^l
Advisors to President	None out of over twenty advisors from 1994 to date have been women
Advisors to Prime Minister	None pre 2012 2 in 2018
Government spokespersons	One in only one of the 17 government rounds
University Presidents	None ever in what are now 16 Palestinian universities

^aAbuBaker, Baker. Palestinian National Council and the Palestine Liberation Organization, Ramallah, Palestine Available at: http://www.bakerabubaker.info/page-248html.

^bPLC Webpage.

^cNo Parliamentary elections have been held after the second election due to the paralysis of the PLC as a result of the internal political division between Fatah and Hamas .

^dState of Palestine. Website of Prime Minister.

^ePalestinian Women Working Society (PWWSD). Palestinian Women’s Participation in Local Government July 2016 and Central Elections Commission Palestine. Local Elections Report 2012.Available at https://www.elections.ps.

^fPCBS-Ola Awad on Palestinian women’s status on the eve of the International Women’s Day 2017.

^gIbid.

^hUNWOMEN. Women Political Participation and Decision Making. www.unwomen.org.

ⁱPCBS-Ola Awad on Palestinian women’s status on the eve of the International Women’s Day 2017 .

^jDima Samaroo. The Political Participation of Palestinian Women in Official and Non Official Organizations in Limited Horizon 2018. www.icsr.info.

^kPCBS-Ola Awad on Palestinian women’s status on the eve of the International Women’s Day 2017.

^lIbid.

Table 1 reflects some rise in representation over the years: in PLO-PNC-PLC membership, women ministers, women diplomats, women in local government and women in the judiciary but not to the extent hoped for or to a degree that reflects women’s contribution to society in general.

One woman – Samiha Khalil – ran for president in 1996 in the elections in which the leader Yasser Arafat won with an overwhelming majority. No women ran in the 2005 elections when the current President Mahmoud Abbas won. In 2004, the PLC passed a quota law reserving two seats for women in elections for municipalities and village councils which resulted in a sharp increase in women’s representation.

In 1996 a Gender Unit was established at the Palestinian Ministry of Planning with the aim of mainstreaming gender issues in the recently established PNA institutions. In 2003 the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MoWA) was established to address the gender gap, amend and introduce related laws and improve women’s status. The MoWA has drafted its subsequent strategic plan for equality between genders and has been monitoring its implementation.

Palestine’s accession without reservation in 2014 to the UN CEDAW and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights will inevitably push towards policies on equality and political participation at all levels.

Palestine’s Central Council has also stressed the importance of equality and strengthening women’s participation in all organizations of the PLO and the State of Palestine with a minimum of 30% representation by women¹⁸. A subsequent step to partly rectify women’s representation has been demonstrated in the efforts to include more women in the PNC and the Central Council. This was again reflected in the PNC’s recent decisions/recommendations to increase women’s participation to 30%¹⁹ .

This push towards increased women’s representation was partly influenced by the GUPW and part of a ‘Patriarchal bargain’ (Kandiyoti 2016)²⁰ calling attention to and requiring responsiveness for furthering women’s status. The GUPW had a significant role in pushing this agenda forward, especially throughout the last decade, requesting meaningful participation in decision making and negotiating towards moving women beyond the humanitarian realm. Furthermore, advocating for a variety of gender inclusive actions to ensure seats for women as per quotas for parliament, or party representation as part of constitutional and legislative quotas. The main aim has thus not been part of identity politics or token representation but for women to have an impact and be able to contribute through fast tracking their participation as a collective group in decision making.

Despite some steps towards improving women’s political representation, including agreed quotas, local election law, and the work of the MoWA among others, the obstacles and challenges to Palestinian women’s public-political participation to date have been numerous. The Israeli occupation with its oppressive policies and practices against the Palestinian population in general, and which affect women in particular, limits women’s movement and their participation at all levels. Over 15,000 women have been arrested since 1967 and subjected to interrogation and various forms of violation of their rights. The Palestinian political internal division and the hegemony of political party leaders are push factors for women with aspirations in politics (AWRAD 2016). Women’s perception of their abilities and opportunities, society’s discrimination against women and the preference of men over equally qualified women (PWWSD 2016), as well as impediments as a result of economic factors, poverty and unemployment and a male dominated mentality, all negatively affect women’s access to decision making and political participation.

2.4.2. Participation in negotiations with Israel

Participation in negotiations may include formal and informal activities. Formal activities include peace negotiations, conflict resolution, reconstruction and humanitarian aid, while informal activities include intergroup dialogue, peace marches and promotion of tolerance among others (United States Institute of Peace n.d.)

Palestinian women’s involvement towards influencing the peace course as it relates to Israel began in the 1980s. Many women’s organizations, until then focused on education and social services, have and currently are involved in various unofficial peacemaking/conflict resolution efforts, with the majority in peace and human rights organizations. Few were officially involved at the Madrid Peace Conference and talks in Washington in the early 1990s. Even fewer were engaged in the ensuing rounds of negotiations until these were completely halted.²¹ This reflects a wide gap between the diplomatic peace process and the grassroots and has led many women activists to shy away from their political party affiliations and join NGOs, while some have became apathetic regarding political activism.

Palestinian women and their women’s organizations face multiple challenges in trying to make themselves heard and have an impact on the political process especially negotiations. Hamas wants women in the kitchen rather than at the negotiating table while the President pays lip service to female involvement in politics (Feidy 2015). The main decision-making forums have been predominantly male.

Women who seek inclusion are often more stringently assessed on the basis of their qualifications, credibility, presentation and constituency (amongst others) compared to men, especially in a circle of negotiators who may find it difficult to create room for additional male, let alone female, members to join the circle. However Palestinian women, with their heterogeneity of experiences and diverse roles and needs, want to join the negotiating table so as to influence a political vision through women’s lenses and experiences that would hopefully push forward the peace process and the achievement of Palestinian rights in ways men may not be able to.

No Palestinian woman was nominated to the negotiating teams of leaders and senior officials involved in negotiations with Israel, although there were requests for inclusion by women. However, some related committees included women in advisory teams to these negotiations. During the nearly 25 years of on and off Israeli/Palestinian negotiations, there have been less than a handful of Palestinian women involved²². Consequently, it is of no surprise that when reviewing literature on women and negotiations one can find hardly anything written on Palestinian women’s involvement. The questions that arise are: hasn’t there been a ‘suitable’ woman for negotiations? What have been the criteria for selecting men for the process? Are women’s voices considered to matter?

During the Oslo Process, women were involved in the backstage roles of formal negotiations acting as mid-level negotiators, professional and legal advisors, spokeswomen and secretaries (Aharoni 2011). Three women were part of the higher-level delegation to the Madrid Peace Conference: Hanan Ashrawi, Zahira Kamal and Suad Ameri. Because they were residents of East Jerusalem, Israel vetoed their presence at the negotiating table. Ashrawi became the spokesperson and was shortly known worldwide (Sharoni 2012) while Kamal was appointed as the first minister of the MoWA.

On the technical level, Palestinian women have been involved as advisors and technical supporters on policy, legal and communication matters to the all-male negotiating team of the Negotiations Affairs Department (NAD). Since the establishment of the Negotiations Support Unit (NSU)²³, several female advisors were involved with an estimated 40% of advice being given by female experts in various fields²⁴. Few, however, were involved in direct negotiations and or present around the formal table when direct negotiations were taking place.²⁵

Donor support to the State of Palestine in general and to the NAD in particular has been directed towards increasing women’s involvement in negotiations and political decision making at large. Such engagement has been part of the monitoring and evaluation of the NSU for the past 10 years and has influenced the selection of qualified female advisors and pushed towards higher inclusion of women.

The NAD Advisors have targeted women and women’s organizations in their efforts to integrate them in the peace process during meetings and visits of representatives of the international community and through participation in platforms, conferences and foreign media outlets. These efforts have included training women on negotiations and conflict resolution, on documenting violations against women, and on presenting/advocating their stories and cases under the Israeli occupation. The NSU facilitates meetings between women, the Palestinian leadership and international diplomats and delegations, and NAD advisors target women leaders to respond to the work of the NSU.

Palestinian women have also joined ‘peace tables’ to engage in the peace process from a feminist perspective aiming at ending occupation and actively engaging women in bringing peace inside Palestine. These efforts have brought together women from different walks of life to think together and influence the national agenda whilst reaching out beyond Palestine with a Palestinian narrative on the occupation and the need to end it. This form of strategic advocacy and political lobbying somehow counters the negligible formal presence of women in negotiations and will invariably improve the chances of gender and women’s concerns being injected into negotiations processes.

2.4.3. Participation in internal negotiations/reconciliation efforts

During the Palestinian-Palestinian reconciliation talks pertaining to the internal political division²⁶, Palestinian women where almost totally excluded from the several rounds of formal negotiations for reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah. Of the nine related internal reconciliation committees established by the President, only one committee had a woman representative. Additionally, in the rounds of formal reconciliation meetings since the internal division in 2007, which included a presence of representatives from the region, fewer than a handful of women participated in all meetings.²⁷

The above indicates that in both situations: peace and conflict resolution talks with Israel and in reconciliation efforts between internal Palestinian political rivals, Palestinian women’s direct involvement and thus influence over the peace/reconciliation talks agenda has been minimal. This is similar to elsewhere worldwide (Paffenholz 2015). The mainstream discourse has been dictated by men.

Palestinian women’s low representation raises various questions of concern especially if it is agreed that investing in their contribution to the negotiations process is a must for realizing women’s rights and investing in sustainability of agreements, and that it is closely linked to Palestinian women’s demands for democracy, accountability and meaningful representation. It is a matter of rights and by excluding women both legitimacy of process and sustainability of potential agreements are jeopardized.

2.3. Why women should be involved in peace negotiations

Palestinian men and women share the same aim and positions on ending occupation and on internal reconciliation and thus perceptions vis-à-vis the peace negotiations with Israel and internal reconciliation. However, women may have a different negotiation style to men and may bring a much wider perspective to talks given the nature of women being more attached to the community than men.²⁸ As such, Palestinian women are striving for a bigger role towards deciding the future of their state. Their involvement will inject new mindsets, more ideas, more creativity and a human-focused approach to security within a holistic view of society.

Aside from being a right for women to be involved in peace negotiations, women bring a different perspective to the peace table (Golan 2004). They help resolve impasses, inform negotiating positions, work across divides and lead mass action campaigns.²⁹ They are ‘often placed to seek common ground, to address underlying structural causes of conflict, to take back negotiations to grassroots constituencies and get support for them, and to use their capacities and experiences to heal communities torn apart by conflict’ (United States Institute of Peace n.d.).

Peace processes, which women should be involved in, are complex, ranging from ceasefire agreements through peace negotiations to post-conflict agreements, security measures, reconstruction, donor conferences, democratic governance and conflict prevention. Women’s participation refers not only to numerical representation but also the quality and conditions of this participation and thus the influence of their presence.³⁰ If it is acknowledged worldwide that women are critical to peace processes and that whenever there is a conflict, women must be part of the solution, then why haven’t Palestinian women been engaged? Especially with a prolonged conflict and multiple wars as in Palestine.

If Palestinian women controlled the political environment, we would have solved the Palestinian Israeli conflict. This statement is often heard by Palestinian women and few men but cannot be verified as Palestinian women have had little say in exploring and negotiating a solution to the Palestinian Israeli conflict and the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories³¹. This occupation is at the core of all male and female Palestinians’ daily lives and living conditions wherever they reside.

Former US President Clinton once said: ‘if we’d had women at Camp David,³² we’d have an agreement’ (Finkel 2012). Maybe yes and maybe no. Nevertheless, Palestinian women have had minimal say in matters of politics in general³³. They have been partners in the struggle for the end of occupation but rarely present at the formal decision-making table. In Palestine, as seen in other parts of the world, women are at the core not the periphery of the conflict. The conflict disproportionately impacts women and girls, taking multiple and different forms, from restriction on education, to access to healthcare, to participation in public life, to increased levels of social and political violence amongst other violations of human rights.

Growing evidence and experience around the world point to the positive influence of women in peace negotiations. A UN global study (UN Women 2015) indicates that women’s participation and inclusion make humanitarian assistance more effective, contributes to the conclusion and implementation of peace talks and sustainable peace, and accelerates economic recovery. Additionally, the probability of a peace deal lasting at least two years is increased to 20%. With regards to the Israeli Palestinian peace process, ‘the study cites research classifying the influence of Women as “none too weak”’ (Ferber 2015).

The participation of civil society, including women’s organizations, in peace agreements makes them 64% less likely to fail and 35% more likely to last 15 years. An assessment of women’s roles in major peace processes 1990–2017, showed that women made up 5% of witnesses and signatories, and 8% of negotiators with only two women ever having served as chief negotiators, while only one ever signed a peace agreement. The vast majority (81%) of peace agreements fail to make reference to women.³⁴

3. UNSCR 1325 and Palestine

3.1. Palestine and endorsement of UNSCR 1325

UNSCR 1325 and the world at large acknowledge that women are a key resource for promoting peace and stability but have often been excluded from related processes. Palestine is no exception. Despite its endorsement of UNSCR 1325 and its supportive National Action Plan (NAP), and recognition of women’s pivotal role and contribution in the struggle towards the establishment of a Palestinian State, sadly, women’s participation has not been up to par and less than what is expected.

The UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security was adopted by the Security Council in 2000. It is regarded as a historic milestone putting at the forefront the importance of women’s experiences in conflict situations, and their vital contribution to conflict prevention, management and resolution. It is considered the first international policy mechanism that clearly recognized the gendered nature of war and peace processes.

In the Palestinian context, questions pertinent to UNSCR 1325 include the following: what impact has the endorsement of UNSCR 1325 had on Palestinian women’s formal experiences in the political processes in the occupied state of Palestine under the prolonged political violence exercised by the occupying state – Israel – for over 50 years? How useful has it been for advancing Palestinian women’s representation in forums dealing with negotiations and peace and has it thus strengthened and empowered women’s political participation?

UNSCR 1325 also addresses women’s representation in decision-making at the local, regional and international levels, their representation in reconciliation and negotiation committees, in national institutions and international and peacemaking bodies as well as in matters relating to protection, accountability for human rights violations, and relief and recovery efforts. In also touches on the accountability of perpetrators of violence internally and externally to ensure justice and prevent further human rights violations (UN Women 2016).

3.2. Palestinian mechanisms supporting the implementation of UNSCR 1325

Palestinian mechanisms have been established to support the implementation of UNSCR 1325. As such, the Palestinian Women Coalition (PWC) of UNSCR 1325³⁵ was established. The Palestinian National Authority (PNA),³⁶ was the second after Iraq – amongst Arab States – to launch its first NAP³⁷ for the implementation of the UNSCR 1325. Its adoption was the first step in a thousand-mile journey. It conveyed an important message on the pivotal role of women in peace, security and conflict resolution as well as a sense of the importance of women’s participation, responsibility and ownership of processes affecting women’s lives now and in the future. It presents a framework of activities in support of the PNA, civil society and women’s organizations and of movements towards including women and their needs and perspectives in peace, security and humanitarian processes.

By adopting the NAP on UNSCR 1325, the State of Palestine has expressed its commitment to assume the role of a responsible state actor in the international community, as one of the ways in which responsible statehood can be measured is by the state’s commitment to the rule of law and respect for human rights, including those of women. It also announced to the world the State of Palestine’s desire to act with greater responsibility in this regard and on a par with other states, bolstering the argument that the State of Palestine is, in fact, fully prepared to assume all the responsibilities of a state. Additionally, it is hoped that adoption will bring with it new ideas in the realm of conflict resolution and peacebuilding in the State of Palestine. Palestine has incorporated the Resolution into cross-sectoral national strategies and it’s National Policy Agenda 2017–2022.

Palestine’s first state report on CEDAW was submitted in 2017. The review Committee recommended that Palestine ensures that the NAP on the implementation of UNSCR 1325 is fully implemented, including through the allocation of adequate human, technical and financial resources and enhanced cooperation with civil society organizations, as well as the international community and relevant UN agencies. The Committee also made the following recommendations, among others: Ensuring the full participation of women in conflict prevention, peace building and post-conflict reconstruction efforts in line with UNSCR 1325 and other relevant resolutions; expediting efforts to establish a national observatory to collect data on women, peace and security with adequate funding³⁸.

The PWC has seen in UNSCR 1325, and other related UN Resolutions, a commitment to hold Israel accountable for its war crimes.³⁹ The PWC for example, welcomed the visit of the delegation of the International Criminal Court’s Prosecutor’s Office as a step in the right direction. It however further expressed disappointment that the purpose of this visit was ‘restricted to preliminary examination, while Palestinian victims of Israeli war crimes, including women, continue to suffer and urgently await justice and an end to Israel impunity’. Furthermore, PWC questioned the decision to exclude the Gaza Strip from this visit and exclude from the agenda women and their organizations who have been systematically impacted and have directly and indirectly experienced the impacts of Israeli crimes.

The Women’s Affairs Technical Committee (WATC) composed of a coalition of women’s organizations was established to advocate for equal rights for women and has been active in training candidates and producing election guides for women. WATC also assisted women in holding events to meet with potential voters in towns and cities and trained young female candidates for leadership. It also lobbied for the creation of the MoWA.

MIFTAH⁴⁰ an NGO was established in 2003 by Hanan Ashrawi, and has had a programme to empower Palestinian women’s leadership with a focus on women’s roles in negotiations and elections. It produced a booklet: Palestinian Women and UNSCR 1325 and a training manual on the utilization of UNSCR 1325 in women’s work. It has over the years trained hundreds of women and has utilized UNSCR 1325 and other resolutions to focus on the ongoing occupation and conflict in Palestine. It also works on Gender Based Violence, has worked on changing election laws amongst other issues and is visible in international fora.

The WISAL coalition in the Gaza Strip, founded with support from the UNFPA, includes 25 community based organizations across the Gaza Strip and focuses on UNSCR 1325 in its work on human rights and equality, and specifically on CEDAW.⁴¹ In 2009 its members demonstrated demanding that the UN Special Coordinator for the Peace Process state his position on UNSCR 1325 and its applicability to the Occupied Territories. It has also been active in building women’s capacity for political participation and on moderating work between Hamas and Fatah women members (Farr 2011).

With support from the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), a group of high-level Israeli and Palestinian delegates and other women from the international community, established the International Women’s Commission (IWC) for a Just and Sustainable Israeli-Palestinian Peace in 2005 (Saragusti 2011).⁴² The tripartite body was tasked with monitoring the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Israel and Palestine; its members strived to introduce a gender and feminist perspective to peace building, lobbied for increased participation of women in formal and informal negotiations and peace initiatives, and advocated for the protection of women and their rights in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Members believed that peace between Palestinians and Israelis is possible, based on a two-state solution using the borders of 4 June 1967, with Jerusalem as the capital of both states.

The IWC however, was short lived as it was difficult to maintain a working relationship based on common views and strong political differences between the Israeli and Palestinian members especially during the most difficult times of stress and violence. There were several occupation related issues of contention with significant differences in perceptions, divergent needs and expectations between Palestinian and Israeli women The Israeli attack on the Gaza Strip in January 2009 led to an end to the IWC and attested to the failure of the IWC to function according to the rights-based interpretations of the UNSCR’s three main themes: participation, protection and empowerment.

Generally, the work of Palestinian organizations, governmental and non-governmental, points to the fact that UNSCR 1325 is important for further mobilizing women outside the formal systems and calls for more inclusion and participation. Women’s organizations are also trying to play a role in the reconciliation process between Fatah and Hamas⁴³ However, the disconnects between women’s activism on the ground and in academia, the intentions stated in UNSCR 1325, and the Israel–Palestine peace process are so vast that there is little evidence that the Resolution offers an effective mechanism for women to make their voices heard.⁴⁴ Furthermore, Palestinian women experience ongoing suffering under political violence exercised by Israel. As such UNSCR 1325 has made little difference to women’s everyday lives under occupation given the nature of this occupation and its policies.

4. Recommendations: towards broader women’s participation in politics, decision making and nation building

Development and stability are linked with equality between women and men. This requires equal access and full participation of women in power structures and their active involvement in all efforts towards nation building, not just lip service. It needs a commitment from the leadership to make equality official and implemented on the ground and a commitment from grassroots women’s organizations and other NGOs to continue pushing the system and demonstrating a forward-looking approach.

Various steps have been taken to move forward. A recent study addressing women’s participation in public life and decision making revealed that over 60% of surveyed women see more opportunities for women when compared with 20 years ago; however, 25% of respondents see women well represented in PNA positions and 12% in political parties, and 35% see women well represented in private sector corporations and 46% in non-governmental organizations (AWRAD 2016).⁴⁵ Reasons for the relatively low representation of women in Palestinian public life must be addressed, including the ‘comprehensive regression in political participation in Palestine (partly caused by the internal division), a general decline in political parties discourse, and a lack of rejuvenation that increases the existing significant generation gap in political participation’ (Miftah 2018).

In its endeavour to create a Palestinian democratic state, the Palestinian leadership and the public at large must see democracy, human rights and state building as intertwined with the harsh context of occupation and the struggle for liberation and sovereignty.

On the front of women’s general political participation:

We need to build on the accession of Palestine to CEDAW without reservation and monitor work on the harmonization of national legislation with international standards and compliance on the ground. This will invariably positively affect women’s political participation.

We need to formalize and strengthen women’s representation and roles in key decision-making positions, particularly in political parties, negotiations and state building efforts. A single female representative will have a hard time in an environment of male domination. Given this we need to ensure a best fit so that we do not end up with a mere token female representation. Despite the challenges, women must strive at all times to be within the process rather than out of it. This requires continued efforts to increase representation in relevant positions and backing decisions on appropriate quotas for women.

We need to strengthen work towards influencing the adoption of legislation in favour of women despite the harsh political reality and the internal division. This needs to be complemented with national strategies for a unified women’s agenda inclusive of political participation and representation, and supported by continuous lobbying and advocacy on behalf of women.

We need creative outreach activities and to create awareness of women who have played roles as problem-solvers and leaders in politics. Avenues beyond newspapers, policy briefs or academic studies are needed to illustrate the roles women have played to empower women and bring peace and development to their communities and beyond. Additionally, we need to consult with experienced international women’s organization and others to learn from their experiences in the political sphere.

We must target schools, youth centres and colleges and universities to train young women for leadership and political participation. School curricula must also include a reflection of women as leaders and key contributors to public life .

We need to actively encourage women to run for office and vote in elections whilst training potential candidates and providing them with support and guidance throughout the process and post-election period to ensure their influence, election and re-election.

We need further research into, and documentation of, the experiences of individual Palestinian women leaders on various fronts as well as on women’s groups for our collective historical memory and lessons learned.

On the negotiations/reconciliation front:

Shaping the future should include improved legal, political, and social advancement of women’s rights, within the family and society at large, to ensure meaningful participation in peace processes and bring into the limelight women as change agents who can help build their communities and transform their societies.

We must interpret UNSCR 1325 as presenting and reflecting upon women not as helpless victims of wars and conflicts but as agents of change. We need not portray and see Palestinian women as vulnerable, unrecognized, underutilized and undervalued members of society but as members who have an added value, empowering and making a difference. They have made tremendous contributions in academia, medicine, economy, social work and many other fields and will do well if also given a chance in politics. Palestinian women must continue their struggle to establish themselves as legitimate and active actors within the formal peace process.

We need to build women’s capacity and provide real opportunities and support to ensure their political, economic and social empowerment, a place at the peace negotiations table and equal representation at all levels of decision-making (Chowdhury 2011).

We need to hold a series of hearings/focus groups with Palestinian women from all walks of life within Palestine and in the diaspora to speak about their personal thoughts, experiences, dreams, nightmares, visions and hopes for state building, and most importantly what peace means to them. Additionally, to proactively draw women’s demands and priorities to the attention of men and women in negotiating teams (through memos, frameworks etc.), explain the merits of women’s inclusion and confront gender-based political and social discrimination whilst promoting and encouraging women’s inclusion in the advocacy efforts of different groups.

5. Conclusion

Palestinian women’s tireless efforts for further inclusion that will give them more space and influence in politics and decision making at higher levels, and in fostering peace in their communities and beyond, are ongoing. These efforts aim to strengthen the participation and influence of women towards ending the occupation, nation building and ensuring that their experiences, priorities and solutions contribute to stability and the sustainability of peace and security. The main target is to end occupation and internal division so as to shift the focus more onto internal issues, including: freedoms and equality between both genders, violations against women and further empowerment and strengthening of the contribution of women.

Palestinian women will continue their efforts to challenge political and technical barriers to inclusion and to influence the perception of women as invaluable to processes, not merely a quota to be filled. Women’s low participation and constrained involvement in political life is influenced by a multitude of factors which need to be continually drawn attention to and fed into policy in order to influence legislation . Women’s participation is not just a concern for women, but also for men. It is about improving life for all. As such, all need to be involved in lobbying for change.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Varsen Aghabekian

Dr Varsen Aghabekian has been active on human rights issues and member of the board of Commissioners of the Independent Palestinian Commission for Human Rights since 2006 and elected Commissioner General from 2015–2018.

Currently: consultant at the Palestinian Negotiations Support Project.

Previously: Associate Professor at Al-Quds University (1988–2008) as well as Dean of Health Professions 95–98 and Dean of graduate studies 98–2000. Directed several national studies and founding or active member of several NGOs and groups. Author of several studies, manuals and national reports on: Jerusalem, health, education, youth and women.

Notes

1. CEDAW (n1) Article 8 and (n2) Article 1- Political participation namely the right to vote in elections and public referenda, to stand for election to publicly elected bodies, to participate in formulating and implementing government policy, to hold public office in all levels of government, to participate in non-governmental structures and represent the government internationally.

2. The Oslo Accords are a set of agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It created a Palestinian Authority was created and tasked with limited self-governance of parts of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

3. To name a few: Moheeba Khurshid, Shadia Abu Ghazaleh, Laila Khaled, Dalal El Moughrabi and longtime activists – Zahira Kamal, Hanan Ashrawi, Khalida Jarrar and Naila Ayesh, amongst others.

4. Born 31 January 2001, Ahed Tamimi is a Palestinian activist from the village of Nabi Salih in the occupied West Bank. She is best known for appearances in images and videos in which she confronts Israeli soldiers. Her supporters consider her a symbol of resistance against Israeli occupation, and a courageous advocate for Palestinian independence. In December 2017, she was detained by Israeli authorities for slapping a soldier, sentenced to eight months in prison and released on 29 July 2018 – Wikipedia.

5. Politics of authoritarianism attributes women’s underrepresentation to electoral outcomes being manufactured at the top, male-dominated ruling level to ensure the top levels survival, in addition to sluggish democratization processes.

6. Lindsay Benstead, referring to Elin Bjarnegards 2013 theory of social capital. Homosociality refers to friendships, collaborations and other non-romantic relationships with others of same gender.

7. It is one of the walls of the Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. For Muslims, it is where the Prophet Muhammed tied the Buraq, the riding animal upon which he rode during the Night of Ascension (Mi’raj). For Jews, it is known as the ‘Wailing Wall’ or the ‘Western Wall’ believed to be the only surviving structure of the Herodian temple.

8. The constitution of the Palestinian Women Union 1965.

9. Palestinian Popular uprising.

10. See as an example Naila Ayesh’s story in Julia Bach’s film Nadia and the Uprising.

11. The Oslo Accords are a set of agreements between Israel and the PLO. It created a Palestinian Authority tasked with limited self-governance of parts of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

12. Hamas was founded during the first Intifada as the Islamic Resistance Movement tied with the Muslim Brotherhood and separate from the PLO. It is a Palestinian Islamist movement founded in the 1980s espousing political Islam and has been controlling the Gaza Strip for the last decade. Its power base in the Gaza Strip was strengthened after Hamas won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections followed by its taking control of the Gaza Strip in 2007.

13. Ratified in 2002 and amended in 2003 and 2005. Amended Basic Law of 2003 is available in English at http://www.palestinianbasiclaw.org/2003-amended-basic-law. For the 2005 amendments, see http://www.palestinianbasiclaw.org/2005-amendments.

14. This law supersedes the 1995 law and was modified partly because of debate on women’s participation and its expansion creating a quota of 12% women participation.

15. Fatah and Hamas are political parties in Palestine. Hamas espouses a religious-Islamist agenda.

16. Quoting the Director of the Palestinian Independent Commission for Human Rights – Dr Ammar Dweik .Presidential Decrees have the power of law and have to be endorsed by the PLC when it reconvenes.

17. Inter-Parliamentary Union 2018.Women in National Parliaments 2018.http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/claif.htm.Situation as in 1 June 2018. Palestine lags behind Tunisia, Sudan, Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Jordan and Egypt, is similar to Qatar but higher than Bahrain, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman and Yemen.

18. In the Central Council’s meeting of March 4–5, 2015.The Central Council is a body of the PNC.

19. In the PNC meeting of May 2018.The PNC is the highest governing body of the Palestinian people.

20. Referring to Deniz Kandiyoti 1988 who conceptualized gender relations as a ‘Patriarchal bargain’.

21. Formal negotiations between the Palestinians and Israel started after the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and have continued intermittently until today. The last round of negotiations took place between 2013 and 2014. No women’s organization has been formally involved in the talks.

22. Starting from Camp David in 1978, Madrid peace conference 1991, Taba 1995, Wye River 1998, Sharm El Sheikh 1998, Camp David 2000, Taba 2001, Geneva (second Track) 2003, Annapolis 2007, Washington 2010 to the last round of negotiations 2013–2014.

23. Established in 1998 as a technical arm to provide advice to the negotiating team at NAD. Name changed to Palestinian Negotiating Support Project in 2011.

24. NAD/PNSP archive-staff/advisors structure.

25. 3 females (advisors) were involved in the last round of negotiations 2013–2014.

26. A political and geographic divide resulted after Hamas, a Palestinian Islamist movement founded in the 1980s, took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007. Its power base in the Gaza Strip was strengthened after it won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections.

27. Committees established included: elections, community/social reconciliation, reforming PLO, government and others. Information from Zainab Ghonaimi, Director of the Women’s Legal and Social Protection Center-Gaza.

28. https://www.cfr.org/interactive/womens participation in peace processes/why it matters.

29. https://www.cfr.org/interactive/womens participation in peace processes/Israel and Palestinian Territories.

30. Definitions from Kvinna till Kvinna.

31. Israel occupied the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem in June 1967.

32. The Camp David efforts and later signed Accords were the result of 14 months of diplomatic efforts by Egypt, Israel, and the United States. It initially focused on a comprehensive resolution of disputes between Israel and the Arab countries, but concluded with a bilateral agreement between Israel and Egypt in 1978.

33. Few have had a say in their respective political factions: Laila Khaled, Khalida Jarrar, Intisar Al-Wazeer, Zahira Kamal, Rabiha Thyab, May Keileh, and Amal Hamad among others, while the role of the women’s unions became instrumental in the Palestinian political discourse.

34. https://www.cfr.org/interactive/womens-participation-in-peace-processes.

35. Composed of: The General Union of Palestinian Women (GUPW), the Women’s Affairs Technical Committee (WATC), Palestinian Working Woman Society for Development (PWWSD), MIFTAH, Filastiniyat, Women Media and Development (TAM), Women Studies Center, Women’s Center for Legal Aid and Counseling (WCLAC), the National YWCA of Palestine, Center for Women’s Legal Research and Consulting (CWLRC), the Culture and Free Thought Association (CWLRC) and Women’s Affairs Center (GWAC).

36. Established after signing of the Oslo Accords between the Palestinian Liberation Organization and Israel during the interim period until all final status issues are negotiated between the PLO and Israel, ending after 5 years.

37. NAP was developed by the High National Committee for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 and supported by UN Women, the European Union, and a number of other actors.

38. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women concluding observations on the initial report of the State of Palestine. Adopted by the Committee at its seventieth session (2–20 July 2018).

39. https://www.wilpf.org/wilpf_statements/seeking-justice-statement-by-the-palestinian-women-coalition-of-unscr-1325/ October 19, 2016. Seeking Justice: Statement by the Palestinian Women Coalition of UNSCR 1325 on the visit of the delegation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor’s Office on 9–10 October 2016 to Palestine.

40. The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy.

41. Palestine is the only state in the Middle East and North Africa that acceded to CEDAW without reservations or declarations. It was not published in the Official Gazette. The State of Palestine has not ratified the Optional Protocol to the CEDAW.

42. See https://www.peaceinsight.org/…/unscr-1325-in-practice-israeli-and-palestinian-women http://www.e-ir.info/2012/12/28/unscr-1325-in-palestine-strengthening-or-disciplining-womens-peace-activism/ http://www.e-ir.info/author/sophie-richter-devroe/and www.pij.org/details.php?id=1372l.

43. MIFTAH and WISAL have had initiatives in this regard.

44. Ibid.

45. This online survey included 365 Palestinian working/active women in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.