Navigating changes: reflecting on children and young people’s experiences of public health and social measures during the COVID-19 pandemic- a purposive, qualitative follow-up from a national probability sample

ABSTRACT

The COVID-19 pandemic brought abrupt changes and disruption to the lives of children and young people. This qualitative study used semi-structured interviews to explore how participants navigated national lockdowns (including school closures), social restrictions, and the reintegration back into pre-pandemic routines. Twenty children, young people and parents were purposively sampled from the Mental Health of Children and Young People’s Survey, 2020. We identified three major themes through thematic analysis, with participants discussing (1) learning experiences, (2) emotions and coping, and (3) decompression and discovery. Experiences during the pandemic were highly variable. Participants emphasised the importance of social and familial connections, access to engaging learning environments, and structure/routine in promoting health and well-being.

KEYWORDS:

• Covid-19
• school-closures
• children and young people
• qualitative

Introduction

Childhood and adolescence are critical periods of development. Experiences during these periods have an enduring impact on adult health (Copeland et al. 2015; Jones 2013; Otto et al. 2021), social (Blakemore and Mills 2014) and economic outcomes (Knapp et al. 2011). Adolescence in particular involves a shift towards increased independence and self-regulation (Patton et al. 2016), greater emphasis on social connection with peers (Smetana and Rote 2019), neurocognitive development (Mills et al. 2016), exploration of self-concept and identities (Klimstra et al. 2016), future-oriented planning (Patton et al. 2016), and increased risk of psychopathologies (Jones 2013; Newlove-Delgado et al. 2021). During this time, individuals typically acquire skills, behavioural mechanisms and resources which provide a foundation for adult life, shaping personal and transgenerational trajectories.

The SARS-CoV-2 virus (Covid-19) was declared a pandemic on 11 March 2020 by the World Health Organisation (WHO), resulting in major disruption to children and young people’s lives through social restrictions aimed at reducing the spread of infection. COVID-19 is typically characterised by mild to moderate respiratory and flu like symptoms. However, it can lead to respiratory failure and permanent vascular, organ and nervous system damage, as well as death (Vincent and Taccone 2020). To reduce the spread of the virus, public health and social measures were rapidly implemented on an unprecedented scale globally in 2020 (UNESCO 2022). Public health and social measures are defined by the WHO as steps taken to limit the spread of COVID-19 (WHO, 2023). In England, this included: school closures, cancellation of clubs, trips and activities, physically distant socialising, mandated wearing of face-masks, and full-scale national lockdowns (see Figure S1 within supplementary material for further details on restrictions and timeline).

Children and young people were identified as a potentially vulnerable population during this time, with particular concern surrounding the disruption of essential services and safeguards for example, education, health and social services (Barron et al. 2022). Education/health policy makers and practitioners need to understand the impact of such extreme, and rapidly evolving restrictions in the immediate and longer-term. Existing quantitative studies provide contradictory findings. A recent systematic review suggested a slight deterioration in some measures of children and young people’s mental health following the pandemic, notably child-reported internalising symptoms, but overall found no clear pattern of deterioration in levels of depression and anxiety experienced by children and young people during the pandemic (Newlove-Delgado et al. 2023). The authors of this review highlight a gap in data about primary school and foundation stage children. Others have reported a more concerning picture of deteriorating health (Newlove-Delgado et al. 2021; Pierce, Hope, et al. 2020), with those experiencing very high, or increasing mental health difficulties more likely to have experienced parent-child conflict, social isolation, and to have special educational needs and/or neurodevelopmental disorders, or live in low-income house-holds (Holst et al. 2023; Newlove-Delgado et al. 2021). Physical activity, sleep cycles, and engagement with child protective services were also disrupted/reduced due to public health restrictions (Viner et al. 2022). However, others highlight that not all children and young people were struggling during this time, with some reporting improvements to their mental health and wellbeing (Soneson et al. 2021). Inconsistent findings may result from considerable methodological heterogeneity, including different timing in relation to social restrictions, convenience samples and a lack of pre-pandemic data undermining confidence in results (Newlove-Delgado et al. 2023; Pierce, McManus, et al. 2020; Sun et al. 2022). Further research is therefore required to explore nuances, and contrasting narratives/trajectories within quantitative data.

Qualitative data is valuable in making sense of experiences and feelings reported by children, young people and their parents. A multi-faceted perspective is emerging, with research signalling significant variability of experience in terms of heightened emotionality (Ashworth et al. 2021; Demkowicz et al. 2022; O’Sullivan et al. 2021), the importance of peer relationships and missing social contact (McKinlay et al. 2022; Widnall et al. 2022), educational disruption, the importance of engagement and motivation in learning, a sense of routine (Ashworth et al. 2021; McKinlay et al. 2022; O’Sullivan et al. 2021; Widnall et al. 2022), the role of change and uncertainty (Ashworth et al. 2021; Demkowicz et al. 2022; Widnall et al. 2022), a greater sense of familial togetherness, and opportunity for self-development (Ashworth et al. 2021; Demkowicz et al. 2022; Widnall et al. 2022).

Most qualitative research exploring pandemic experiences thus far has been conducted during, or concerned with, the initial lockdown phase of the pandemic (Ashworth et al. 2021; Demkowicz et al. 2022; McKinlay et al. 2022; O’Sullivan et al. 2021). However, timing matters within the context of COVID-19 experiences. Samji et al.’s (2022) review highlights that children and young people were more likely to report heightened emotions shortly after the implementation of lockdown restrictions. Similarly, socio-economic position also appears to be a factor. For example, a Glasgow-based study indicated considerable divergence in experience between families facing housing, financial or social challenges compared with more affluent families between Spring and Summer 2020. While all were initially unsettled and anxious, the latter group had settled into routines and valued increased family time while the former reported increasing stress, distress, substance misuse and domestic violence (Petri-Romao et al. 2021). Many others have similarly reported the disproportional impact of social restrictions and burden of infections among those living in socioeconomic deprivation (Newlove-Delgado et al. 2021; Viner et al. 2021). Furthermore, studies have mostly relied on select or convenience samples (Ashworth et al. 2021; O’Sullivan et al. 2021; Widnall et al. 2022) and the perspectives of adolescent or young adult populations (for example Demkowicz et al. 2022; McKinlay et al. 2022; Widnall et al. 2022) Pearcey et al. 2023), with much less known about younger children (Newlove-Delgado et al. 2023).

This study aimed to explore children and young people’s experiences of navigating the changing public health and social restrictions throughout the COVID-19 pandemic via a purposive sample from the English Mental Health Survey, 2017 follow up series.

Method

Participant recruitment and sampling strategy

We sampled young people aged 14–23 years, and parents of children aged 5–18 from the Mental Health of Children and Young People’s Survey (MHCYP) 2020 (Newlove-Delgado et al. 2021). Participants were eligible if they consented for contact regarding participation in future research. To ensure that our sample represented a range of backgrounds and pandemic experiences, we purposively sampled based on demographic characteristics (socio-economic status, type of educational setting, gender and age) and participants’ response to the following question:

Some people feel that the COVID-19 restrictions have made their lives better, and for others they have made it worse. How have the restrictions affected your life.

Answers ranged across a five-point Likert scale from 1) ‘life is much better’ to 5) ‘life is much worse’.

Participants from lower socioeconomic backgrounds were initially targeted for recruitment to address knowledge gaps from convenience samples during the pandemic. Twenty participants were recruited, including 10 parents and 10 young people. Young people, who’s experiences were described, were from ranged in age (min 5, max 21), educational setting (Primary, 2; Secondary, 12; Sixth Form College, 2; University: 2) and included a roughly equal split of those identifying as male and female (Female: 9, Male: 11). Participant and interview characteristics are further summarised in Table 1.

Table 1. Demographic and interview characteristics of participants.

	Participant characteristics (N = 20)
Respondent type	Parent: 10 Young person: 10
Young person mean age (years)	12.94 (min 5, max 21)
Young person gender identity	Female: 9 Male: 11
Young person educational setting	Primary: 2 Secondary: 12 Sixth Form College: 2 University: 2
Mean interview duration (mins)	31.37
Interview mode	Online interview: 15 Telephone interview: 5

One participating adult was the parent of a child participant. In this case both parent and child were interviewed separately and included in the sample as separate participants. All other participants were from different families.

Participant characteristics

Data collection

We conducted qualitative interviews to enable detailed accounts of participants experience. A semi-structured approach was used to allow the flexibility to explore new directions whilst ensuring discussion of core topics (Bourgealt, Dingwall & De Vries 2010). Interviews were conducted over the telephone (n = 5, 25%) or via online video software (n = 15, 75%) between 21 November 2021 and 31 March 2022. This dual approach allowed researchers to recruit participants with varying digital literacy and access to technologies.

Interview topic guides, participant information sheets, and consent forms were developed with young people’s advisory groups. Topic guides included the same questions for parents and young people. They included open questions surrounding experiences of national lockdowns, remote learning, returning to educational settings, and whether life was better or worse during the pandemic (see supplementary material).

Interviews were audio recorded and transcribed by a University of Cambridge approved service and lasted a mean 31.37 minutes (standard deviation = 15.53), although timings varied considerably (range 13 to 68 minutes).

Data analysis

Transcripts were anonymised, entered into NVivo V12 and analysed using reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) (Braun and Clarke 2006; 2021), due to its unique flexibility of use across epistemological perspectives and qualitative orientations (Braun & Clarke, 2020). We adopted an experiential orientation to the qualitative data because our research questions set out to capture participants’ subjective experiences and sense-making. Analyses were both deductive (with themes identified through exploration of interview transcripts and inductive (themes introduced through the topic guide), and conducted in six phases (Braun & Clarke, 2021). Firstly, researchers completed an initial familiarisation exercise through repeated readings of two transcripts to build understanding, and immersion within the data. Next, potentially relevant and meaningful information were identified and coded (including both semantic and latent concepts) to generate initial themes. These themes were reviewed and developed in reference to the originally coded data extracts and remaining transcripts. At this stage some themes were discarded, and others amended/added; themes were refined, defined, and named.

Analysis was led by LC, but discussed and developed with the broader research team which includes those from educational/teaching (LC, SBC) and health (TF, TND) backgrounds, those with qualitative methodological expertise (AMB), a young person who had experienced educational disruption (AH), and those who had a caregiving role during the pandemic (EC, FM, TF). The diverse backgrounds of team members contributed to rich and nuanced perspectives surrounding the data.

Data were compared both between and within parent and child participant populations. These differing experiences and/or perceptions have been highlighted and commented upon within the results section. However, due to the breadth of within population experience and intersectionality, a formal comparison between demographic groups wasn’t conducted within the present analysis.

Information governance and ethical considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Cambridge Psychology Research Ethics Committee (REF: PRE.2021.047). Additional permissions to access participant contact details were also sought from the MHCYP’s data controller (NHS Digital’s Data Access Request Service, REF: DARS-NIC-402080-N3V5Z-v0.5).

Results

We identified 3 themes which are summarised in Table 2 and illustrated with participants’ quotes.

Table 2. Overview of identified themes and subthemes.

Learning experiences	1A. Remote Learning 1B. Navigating re-integration 1C. Experiences of restrictions in educational settings 1D. Extra-curricular opportunities
Emotions and coping	2A. Changing emotions 2B. Networks and connections 2C. How to cope
Decompression and discovery	3A. Reflection and re-evaluation 3B. Pressure

Learning experiences

Student experiences of remote learning varied considerably based on home environment and educational setting, with challenges depending on personal and demographic factors. Many children and young people were excited to re-integrate to the school environment, which was also a source of anxiety given novel social restrictions.

Remote Learning

Across school closures, students used various online learning tools, including: emailed tasks and electronic worksheets, pre-recorded instruction/learning segments, online quizzes, video calls, and fully established virtual learning environments. Teaching, materials, and expectations were generally reported to be of a higher quality during the second phase of school closures. Developments in quality of provision and resources were often associated with enhanced learning experiences.

During the first one, we would get like emailed very vague tasks, but there was no expectation that we were actually doing those. But for the January one, we had lessons that we actually had to attend, and they’d tell our parents if we didn’t attend them. (Participant 12, Young person in Secondary School)

Online learning had both positive and negative impacts on young people’s ability to study. Some students preferred aspects of remote learning, for example having greater autonomy over the time and pace of learning. Whereas, others struggled to engage. For some disengagement presented as failure to complete tasks, whereas others undertook the work but remained uninspired.

It was just like a chore I felt like that we were just pushing to get done. (Participant 20, Parent of child in Primary school)

For some children and young people, the type of activity, level of interaction, feedback and visibility of their teacher and peers was important. Moreover, participants who described these factors as absent also typically reported disengagement with learning during this period.

… they need some other way to keep the class more interactive. Like it did eventually with [my child] and got into a habit of just, yes miss I’m here, and then just sticking the iPad to the side and doing her own thing. I think a lot did that. (Participant 10, Parent of a young person in Secondary School)

Furthermore, some parents also highlighted a disconnect with educational providers, noting a lack of dialogue which was historically provided through parents’ evenings and school reports. Parents described the lack of contact as challenging, reflecting this resulted in a lack of clarity surrounding how best to support their child. This experience was not described or highlighted as important by any children or young people.

We never had a phone call, never had an email about, you know, there wasn’t really anything. So, it was just a free for all. (Participant 5, Parent of a young person in Secondary School)

Others experienced more tangible barriers to accessing education through absence of resources. Some participants emphasised the importance and privileged position of possessing a reliable internet connection, devices, and private spaces. Whereas others, cited access to resources and physical spaces to work as limiting their ability to engage with online learning.

Because our internet at home was really struggling … And trying to have four people connect, it just wasn’t working, so we had to prioritise, like the older ones doing stuff. (Participant 6, Parent of a young person in Secondary School)

A few participants also appeared to experience more skill-based challenges associated with digital literacy.

I did get more stressed because of the online learning, because it was a nightmare, it was hard to work all the different new apps and such. (Participant 17, Young person in Sixth Form College)

Navigating re-integration

Many participants reflected that children and young people were excited to return to school because it provided them with a better social and learning environment. However, feelings of anxiety or conflicting emotions about returning to school were also reported. Often, the decision to return was informed by a risk-benefit analysis weighing up wellbeing and educational benefits against potential health risks of contracting coronavirus.

I know there was the whole health aspect thing but that didn’t really worry me at all. I was more concerned about the education, really, than actually being exposed to Covid. (Participant 5, Parent of a young person in Secondary School)

Some participants reported their school had prepared their child well for the transition from remote to in-person education, although this varied. Preparatory materials included maps, videos and emails, which helped to set expectations and ease tensions.

There were lovely videos from the head teacher showing how … there were one-way systems and things like that. So yes, that was really handy actually, for parents and for the kids. (Participant 18, Parent of a child in Primary School)

Most children and young people found the re-integration fairly easy, but some said it took time to re-acclimatise. This was frequently linked with a lack of confidence or familiarity. Periods of significant transition, such as moving to a more advanced level of study or joining a new school increased stress.

I was one of 10 new people in 100 and something … for the first few days, my mum dropped me off. And first day, I ended up nearly throwing up, because I got nervous.(Participant 13, Young person in Secondary School)

Participants were also worried about falling behind academically and having ‘knowledge gaps’ during lockdown periods. Concerns typically centred on missing or misunderstanding content.

I feel like he’s got more gaps, but those gaps have widened over lockdown and now they’ll get even wider, if they don’t bridge them. (Participant 20, Parent of child in Primary School)

On their return, young people were often expected to catch-up with missed work, learn new content, and undertake an increased programme of assessments and mock exams, leading to considerable pressure and stress for many participants.

Experiences of public health and social restrictions in educational settings

Educational institutions implemented various restrictions to mitigate the transmission of COVID-19 as students returned, including one-way systems; staggered start times; virtual assemblies; routine screening; mandatory face masks; learning ‘bubbles’ or groups that had contact only with each other or other ways of minimising interpersonal contact; reduced travel between classes; isolation periods; enhanced ventilation and individual-specific equipment.

Participants valued and were impacted by public health restrictions differently. While some expressed indifference, many highlighted challenges in navigating the new rules. Common issues included restricted socialising and frustrations around time-consuming restrictions. The sheer volume, dynamic, and at times conflicting nature of guidance caused considerable confusion to parents as well as children and young people.

There were a lot of restrictions, which they hated, again, the masks, this-this-this. But at one point they said, it’s not necessary the masks, you don’t have to wear masks, but then, yes, you have to wear masks. Now please wear masks, there was all this, every week it was changing. (Participant 8, Parent of a young person in Secondary School)

Isolating children and young people missed in-person lessons, which resulted in further disruption to learning. Some young people and parents described experiencing ‘hybrid education’ during this time. Hybrid education, also referred to as blended learning, involves a combination of face-to-face and online learning. However, hybrid education appeared to be characterised by similar difficulties to remote-learning with inconsistent provision, lack of engagement and an absence of meaningful interaction with teachers and peers.

It was strange, because you’d have people on the screen. And then you’re in the lesson with nobody around you. Which when you’re usually just surrounded by people talking at the back or whatnot, just a different atmosphere. (Participant 13, Young person in Secondary School)

Extra-curricular and additional learning opportunities

Finally, an absence of extra-curricular learning experiences were also reported. Young people highlighted the potential future impact of missing out on career and CV building experiences, including work experience placements, apprenticeships and on the job training.

Like for example, going to groups so that I could put on my CV. I would like some help with finding things that I could do to improve my CV for myself. (Participant 17, Young Person in Sixth Form College)

Whereas both young people and parents reflected on lost opportunities to broaden their horizons through school trips, sports, arts, celebratory events, or everyday social opportunities.

Then, yeah, and obviously they would have been going to battlefields, or there’s a trip, they can go to Iceland, and all these. And literally they haven’t been able to do anything, and I think that is such a big part of that school… (Participant 6, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

This reveals the multi-functional nature, and important role educational institutions play in young people’s lives beyond core academic provision.

Emotions and coping

The pandemic was often associated with changing emotions, including feelings of anxiety, and altered mood states. Sense of connectedness, implementation of routines, perception of changing environments, and help-seeking behaviour appeared to influence children and young people’s experiences.

Changing emotions

Whilst some young people and parents described improvements to their wellbeing, others reported deterioration in mood and social withdrawal. This was particularly pronounced during lockdown phases.

Being in lockdown made him more going down, down, down, down. That’s what I saw as a parent. I was really worried. (Participant 9, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

However, this presented in different ways. In many cases changes were subtle.

I did feel like the mental wear and tear, you see that a bit. In the sense that he was, like he has, he is quite, he’s one of those children that doesn’t sit still, he’s always running about, playing. When he was at home, he was quite restricted and you’d see him having a quiet moment, so he sat there watching, reading quietly, or doing something, … occasionally you’d see him do that. (Participant 20, Parent of child in Primary School)

Separating normal emotions from contextual responses also posed a challenge for many parent participants. Similar reflections or experiences were not raised by young people during interviews.

It’s a difficult age because being a teenager and having so many changes and hormonal changes, I was very worried. But I didn’t know what part was because of the hormones and changes and personality or because of being isolated too much.(Participant 8, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

The pandemic generated worries about contracting Covid-19, but there was considerable variation in the focus of concern. Whilst many expressed health concerns with catching coronavirus themselves, others were more focused on the fear of transmitting and spreading Covid-19, particularly to those who were clinically vulnerable. For one participant, anxiety surrounding COVID-19 resulted in profound and drastic changes to their living habits, extending well beyond the level of legally mandated restrictions.

At that time I felt I was just so scared to go outside. I think for a month or something I didn’t go outside; I was just terrified to go outside. (Participant 2, Young Person in University)

Children and young people’s emotions were rarely stable or consistent; emotional journeys were dynamic, with different phases of restrictions eliciting different reactions from different participants. However, for many parents and young people, the ability to put aside emotions and manage feelings of anxiety and low mood aided their perceived ability to navigate living during the pandemic.

I just have to cope with this and so we had to leave the fear behind and say, well, whatever has to happen will happen. (Participant 8, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Within our interviews the term ‘coping’ was often used by participants. Although uses and contexts did vary, the majority of participants used this term to describe someone who was able to complete expected tasks/activities without visible/reported emotional distress.

He did cope well with it because he doesn’t really show emotions in that respect.(Participant 14, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Networks and connections

An almost universal experience described by both parent and young person participants was missing people who were not physically available, such as extended family members and friends. Communities, family and social networks also provided vital structures for support, and remaining connected was important.

For many, the pandemic brought benefits in inter-personal relationships and quality time spent with family members. Siblings were often identified as an important, providing a source emotional/academic support (or stress depending on perspective).

For some, living with other people who had different agendas and objectives posed significant challenges, particularly among emerging adults.

… I couldn’t really deal with… just because schedule-wise, I was living a student schedule, even (over speaking) without the lifestyle, and so I didn’t really want to be at home with my parents – they struggled with me there, as well, so I just went back.(Participant 2, Young Person in University)

Technology played a central role in maintaining connections. This included the use of online games, social media, text messages, phone calls and even ‘zoom parties’ to simulate a normal social environment. Some parents introduced technological devices to their children at an earlier than intended age. However, online socialising did not provide the same experience as connecting in person, with greater scope for miscommunication.

I think just when we couldn’t see anyone and I had to only communicate through text and stuff, you can’t always convey how you feel … Sometimes people would take things that you say the wrong way and that made sometimes arguments a lot easier than it probably would have been in person. (Participant 12, Young Person in Secondary School)

The absence of tactility and tangible connection was also reported as irreplaceable, highlighting the importance of physical touch to fostering connectivity.

There’s nothing that can substitute the human contact, it will take touching. So I think that it’s basic human, and I think that for two years everything was dehumanised for the sake of being healthy or don’t get ill. (Participant 8, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

How to cope

Two elements were identified in this sub-theme: routines and regulation as well as help seeking and accessing professional support. Public health restrictions had a great effect on daily routines, including exercise, diet, sleep, and learning patterns. For many parent and young people establishing a consistent routine was important, and for others the absence of routine was symptomatic of and/or a catalyst for reduced wellbeing.

I remember that my schedule was like very how do say that? Unideal, I guess. Yeah. So I was worried I wouldn’t make it to lessons in time or whatever because I mean, waking up in the afternoon wasn’t too great. (Participant 17, Young Person in Sixth Form College)

Parents and educators often played an important role as regulators or agents of discipline. However, some parent participants had more challenges in being available to regulate their child’s behaviour, particularly during educational closures. Some parents identified conflicts in providing structure whilst juggling expectations and time required to fulfil professional and parenting roles.

There wasn’t much input from me because I was working. He pretty much got on with that all by himself, which was good, in a way. But there wasn’t much structure, that was the only thing … (Participant 5, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Others highlighted the importance of self-motivation in maintaining their routine.

It’s just relying on the independence of yourself to actually do the work and all the notes, rather than having someone checking up on you physically. Because they obviously can’t see what work you have been doing. (Participant 11, Young Person in Secondary School)

Perception of change appeared to be an influential factor in young people’s emotional response to adapting to novel routines. Whilst change provided a source of novelty for some, others described feelings of stress due to the resulting uncertainty. For those who felt that they (or their child) had coped well, ‘adaptability’ and ‘resilience’ were regularly championed as important and necessary characteristics to navigate changes.

Many participants appeared to accept and normalising their current situations. Whereas, others drew strength in group unity.

But I think knowing that other people maybe are struggling, potentially with the same thing and things like that, probably makes you more reassured that you’re not alone, as much as anything. (Participant 7, Parent of child in Primary School)

One parent experienced conflict in seeing their child normalise their lived experience within their everyday play. This example poignantly highlights the tension between the highs and lows of living through such exceptional circumstances.

… and running around like tag and tagging each other, ‘Oh you’ve got Covid.’ … Covid tag, yeah. And I just found it like … I found it quite funny, but at the same time I found it quite sad really that, that was what it had become. (Participant 20, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Within our interviews we explored children and young people’s experiences of receiving both academic and emotional support, with a particular focus on the role of educational settings. Parent and young people typically described provision within the context of three pathways: universal sign-posting, targeted one-to-one, and embedded within the broader curriculum. Universal sign-posting (often a generic email with support materials and services) was the most referenced support, but was commonly deemed to be irrelevant, untargeted, or easily missed. More tailored provision, with the opportunity to build personal one-on-one connections was preferred.

Yeah, they definitely didn’t ring. I think I probably go an email, but the emails are… I mean, emails fall through the cracks, generally, because we get so many of them. So I probably definitely got a… I imagine I got one. (Participant 2, Young Person in University)

Some young people discussed the role of Personal Social Health and Economic Education (PSHE) as a form of emotional support, highlighting that those lessons were/could be an formalised opportunity to help students process and share experiences both during and after the pandemic.

But it would have been nice if I had a more formal group, so if we did a more PSHE style lesson once a week online, that had a group of people in my own year, who I could talk to about how everyone’s doing with school. (Participant 12, Young Person in Secondary School)

However, young people and parent participants often highlighted a preference of children and young people to self-problem solve and/or internalise issues, instead of seeking external help.

But I don’t think if they did offer help, I don’t think I would have just used it because I didn’t feel like I wanted it almost. I wanted to try and get through it on my own in a way. (Participant 14, Young Person in Secondary School)

This means that even when support was available it may not have been adopted by those who needed it, with a trend towards young people wanting to display resilience to adversity. Moreover, services were perceived as impersonal, or overwhelmed with demand, which also prevented some children and young people from accessing further specialist support.

… she saw the special teacher who helps with those types of problems and that didn’t help because that particular teacher was so overwhelmed with students wanting to see her that every time [my child] went, she either forgot her name, she had to ask her from the beginning what the problem was, and she got very frustrated with that one.(Participant 10, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Decompression and discovery

Whilst public health and social measures created many challenges, the disruption and increased available time also enabled some participants to reflect and alleviating pressure for others.

Reflection and re-evaluation

Some parent and young person participants perceived the periods of Lockdown as providing time to reflect and re-evaluate, which they experienced as positive.

The lockdown for me, it was quite a good thing … I was never in a situation where I just really didn’t have anything to do and was just able to stop and process my thoughts and just really think … (Participant 2, Young Person in University)

For many this triggered a journey of growth and discovery. Some identified new sources of fulfilment, developed new skills and/or explored novel interests. Whereas others found an appreciation in what they already had.

We feel happier, we get much more excited over smaller things. Before we just took them for granted, we just thought, that’s fine, we can do that. (Participant 10, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Many also displayed an increased social consciousness during this time. This was characterised by greater awareness of society and social struggles. For some, this caused a re-centring and exploration of their value systems.

And also, it made me find out that for me the things that I want to help the world and things [that’d I’d see …] good or bad things that I had the time to [read …] and had time to do some research. (Participant 3, Young Person in Secondary School)

For others understanding their own experience within broader context of others struggles helped them to both process events/perspectives and persevere.

But for some people who are young, and just starting their careers, working from home or working from their parents back bedroom or whatever it might be, must be pretty awful. And for old people who have lost people, who have been on their own or maybe are nervous and don’t want to mix with people because they’re shielding or worried about their health. I can imagine it would be a lot tougher for people who are feeling particularly isolated. (Participant 16, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Narratives surrounding establishing what was ‘real’, ‘true’ and ‘important’ were common, although perspectives varied. Some young people participants emphasised the importance of achieving balance between educational, health and social factors. Whereas, others re-evaluated the existing relationships they held.

I understood that I don’t need friends to be happy. Before I wanted to have friends and all, but right now I don’t really have any friends and I don’t really mind. (Participant 3, Young Person in Secondary School)

Some reflected that the individual journeys children and young people had undertaken were a challenge at the point of re-integration following the lifting of social restrictions. Both parents and young people expressed a disconnect between the person they were before and after public health measures were put in place.

These two years, they changed, they have different interests. So they need to start to change. He has another interest that he didn’t have before, so it’s just adapting, going back to adapt again to see where I am, who they are (laughs), are they the same people, are they the same person? (Participant 8, Parent of Young Person in Secondary School)

Pressure

Some participants valued the opportunity afforded by social restrictions to decompress from academic and social pressures. This enabled some children and young people to explore where they centred their time and attention. This was particularly pronounced for those who were struggling before March 2020.

I think it allowed, the pressure of not being social, and also, it was hard, obviously not seeing family, but then you don’t have the pressure to. I think for a lot of people, it allowed people to kind of have a bit of time off. (Participant 1, Young Person in University)

However, the temporary relief of pressures was perhaps a ‘double-edged-sword’- making it harder to re-engage when restrictions were lifted. Some recalled a lack of familiarity, confidence, and increased energy-toll. Whereas others described being overwhelmed at two years’ worth of milestones happening all at once.

And it was like, ‘Okay, you’ve started a new sixth form, you’ve started driving, you’ve got to start looking for a job as well.’ Which all came at once because we’d pretty much been in restrictions up until then. (Participant 12, Young Person in Secondary School)

Discussion

We aimed to explore children and young people’s experiences of navigating the COVID-19 related public health and social restrictions in England in a purposive sample selected from a nationally representative sample. Three main themes were developed including: learning experiences, emotions and coping, plus decompression and discovery. Although the findings from this research highlight individual variations, participants mostly adapted well to many challenges and missed opportunities. Within each theme, children and young people discussed contextual factors which contributed to or detracted from, their experiences and ability to cope. These are discussed below.

Learning experiences

Educational experiences varied considerably during the COVID-19 pandemic. Many participants had concerns surrounding acquired gaps in knowledge, as others reported (Pearcey et al. 2023; Widnall et al. 2022), with those from lower socio-economic backgrounds identified as particularly vulnerable to experiencing a learning deficit during the COVID-19 pandemic (Betthäuser et al. 2023; Petri-Romao et al. 2021). According to Betthäuser and colleagues’ systematic review, gaps arose early yet persisted over-time (Betthäuser et al. 2023). Therefore, those attending schools who were slower to implement online learning systems or from a lower socio-economic background will have sustained greater educational deficit and are likely to require more support to catch up.

Previous research has highlighted, those experiencing socioeconomic inequalities were more vulnerable to the development of vicious cycles of further adversity and further distress (Petri-Romao et al. 2021; Viner et al. 2023). Such differences are likely to have been exacerbated through the pandemic and current socioeconomic climate (Marmot 2020), and therefore require urgent attention. Our findings, highlight the role children and young people’s access to adequate resources, including space, equipment and an available adult may play an important role in children and young people’s learning and pandemic experiences.

However, public health and social measures implemented because of the COVID-19 pandemic also provided an opportunity to reflect, evaluate and innovate existing educational practice. Whilst there is growing evidence highlighting the potential of technology to enhance learning experiences (e.g. Bond et al. 2020), our findings underscore the importance of interaction within learning, with interpersonal relationships between fellow peers and the classroom teacher playing a central role. This is consistent with knowledge of effective pedagogy (Corso et al. 2013), and the established link between student engagement and greater academic success (Lei et al. 2018).

Some students preferred the flexibility and autonomy during phases on online and blended learning, which replicates the findings of a cross-sectional survey of 17,000 UK school students which suggested that better management of school tasks was associated with increased wellbeing during national lockdowns (Soneson et al. 2021). Since the return to in person learning, many children and young people have struggled to return to school settings (Long and Roberts 2024). Consistent with our findings, there is some evidence to suggest challenges with school communication, uncertainty and adapting to a changing environment were initial barriers to integration- particularly for those with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities (McDonal et al. 2022). Indeed, some students really struggled with the return to face-to-face education (Widnall et al. 2022), Further and compassionate understanding is required to understand young people’s journeys, with the potential to explore online classrooms to help facilitate learning.

Emotions and coping

Emotional-wellbeing and mental health experiences appeared to vary within the sample and during the pandemic. This echoes recent qualitative findings around emotional impact (e.g. Demokowicz et al. 2022) and complex quantitative picture of adolescent mental health and wellbeing during the COVID-19 pandemic (Newlove-Delgado et al. 2023). Furthermore, as in Pearcey et al. (2023) research, we found that conceptualisation and adaptation to change appeared to be important. This is reflective of the broader evidence base exploring the role of uncertainty, instability and sense of control in the development of mental health.

Peers and family were valuable supports of children and young people’s ability to cope. Whilst some young people vocalised they did not ‘need’ friendships, evidence consistently identifies peers as playing an important role during childhood, and increasingly adolescence (Smetana and Rote 2019). Missing friends and social connection, alongside enhanced familial relationships and sense of togetherness, are frequently reported experiences within pandemic qualitative literature (e.g. Ashworth et al. 2021; Demkowicz et al. 2022, Pearcey et al. 2023; Widnall et al. 2022). Given established links between quality peer relationships, greater psychological wellbeing/reduced mental health symptomatology (La Greca and Harrison 2005), maintaining positive relationships during this time is a likely protective factor. Similarly, healthy familial relationships during adolescence are associated with better long term mental health outcomes (Chen and Harris 2019). Indeed, the large quantitative analysis of the MYRIAD study involving more than 6000 secondary school pupils demonstrated a complex three-way interaction between school culture, family connectedness and depressive symptoms. Young people with strong family connectedness and a positive school culture coped better over time (Montero-Marin et al. 2023).

Our findings draw attention to the importance of implementing positive and consistent routines for children and young people. Previous research also highlights circadian sleep, appetite and activity cycles appeared to be linked (Lees et al. 2023), and consistent routines associated with improved mental health (Lees et al. 2023). The importance of routine in providing structure and enhancing wellbeing is consistent with contemporaneous research into the pandemic experiences of children and young people (e.g. Ashworth et al. 2021; Demkowicz et al. 2022, Pearcey et al. 2023; Widnall et al. 2022). However, not all children and young people were able to implement successful routines. Adolescence is a time typically characterised by greater independence and self-regulation (Patton et al. 2016). Those who were younger, or who struggled in this area, were more reliant on regulatory structures from school, family and community networks. This reveals another source of potential inequality of experience with those able to tap into such support networks more likely to keep on top of academic workload and positive health behaviours.

For many accessing specialist support during the pandemic was a challenge. Whilst others reported timely mental health support was available (e.g. McKinlay et al. 2022), our findings revealed inconsistency and inadequacy within provision. Capacity and impersonal experiences were identified as challenges. This is a common critique of school-based and specialist child and adolescent mental health services, as systems already under strain pre-pandemic were not equipped to meet increasing demands (Huang and Ougrin 2021). Conversely, our findings revealed many children and young people endorsed a preference for self-reliance as opposed to seeking professional support. This is consistent with Radez et al. (2020) systematic review, which also noted that those with greatest preference for self-help were associated with elevated levels of mental health symptomology. Given these findings, further research surrounding the development of effective skills strategies to equip young people to self-help, in addition to breaking down the barriers towards accessing support, may be valuable.

Decompression and discovery

Some participants in our study described a sense of relief and reduction in academic and social pressure during the lockdown periods. This finding is consistent with the existing qualitative literature (e.g. Ashworth et al. 2021; Demkowicz et al. 2022; McKinlay et al. 2022, Pearcey et al. 2023; Widnall et al. 2022), and so should prompt consideration of children and young people’s experiences before the pandemic, including growing concerns surrounding the demands of the UK educational system and high-stakes examinations (Hutchings 2015), as well as challenges associated with navigating complex peer-relationships childhood and adolescence (Blakemore 2018). After all, longitudinal research suggests that children and young people’s mental health was already in decline before the Pandemic hit in the UK (Ford 2020).

Finally, our findings highlight children and young people’s opportunity for reflection and growth afforded by the pandemic. Often linked to narratives surrounding increased available time, this finding is echoed within existing qualitative research exploring experiences of restrictions (e.g. Pearcey et al. 2023). However, they may also reflect coping mechanisms for children and young people. Stapeley et al (2020) identified engaging in alternative activities, acceptance of adverse situations, and positive thinking as vital coping tools for children and young people. Therefore, whilst there are many positive experiences reported by participants for some this maybe part of a process response, and some children and young people may yet need further support despite appearing to initially cope well.

Practical implications

Firstly, should such public health and social measures be required in future, policy makers should strongly consider children and young people’s wellbeing within their implementation, with increased capacity for mental health support during and after lockdown periods. Clearer and consistent messaging would also be beneficial, particularly during phases of reintegration. Ensuring all children and young people have access to adequate resources should also be prioritised- considering not only equipment, but barriers associated with space, skills, and support.

Flexible learning, whereby the young person has some element of choice in the nature and location of activities may also be beneficial. In addition, having some level of interaction, either with the teacher or amongst peers, and clearly demonstrating the purpose of the activity could enhance young people’s engagement. Furthermore, helping young people establish positive routines and a consistent approach to undertaking learning is also advised. Schools also play a multi-faceted role in children and young people’s lives. Facilitating and supporting wider curricular opportunities and social relationships should be provided where practical.

On the return to face-to-face learning, the temptation is to launch into an intense phase of schooling to enable to children and young people to catch-up. However, allowing children and young people time to process, unpick and express experiences may also be valuable in the long term. Moreover, as children and young people may not come forward themselves, professionals should be trained and sensitive to signs of distress within vulnerable children and young people to help provide timely and targeted support.

Limitations and future directions

A key strength of this research is the multi-disciplinary/diverse professional and personal backgrounds of team members. This enabled a nuanced and rich understanding of participant experiences and interpretation of the data. In addition, the timing of data collection offers a valuable and much needed perspective across the implementation and removal of public health and social measures during the COVID-19 pandemic, expanding the findings beyond the initial lockdown periods focussed on by much of the existing literature.

The purposive approach enabled the recruitment of a diverse sample of participants with richly textured experiences and the learning contexts and educational phases explored within this present study vary considerably, but we were limited by the number of potential recruits and have a relatively small sample. Whilst this research provides a comprehensive overview of children and young people’s lives, further research exploring nuances of navigating restrictions across age groups and different educational settings in greater depth with more children and young people would be valuable. Moreover, the present research was conducted on a general population sample within mainstream educational settings, so findings may not apply to children and young people attending alternative provision or who were home-schooled before the pandemic. In the context of the pandemic, emerging evidence suggests that those with special educational needs and experiencing poor mental health are two important populations whose perspectives are under-represented. Finally, given the scale and unprecedented nature of the COVID-19 pandemic future research would also benefit from longitudinal follow-up to enable researchers to understand enduring impacts, experiences and behaviours of children and young people.

Conclusion

This study provides important insights from children and young people who experienced the COVID-19 pandemic in England, and their parents. The findings highlight the variation in the lives of children and young people during this time, with some feeling aspects of their life had improved and others citing considerable challenges. Although arguably exacerbated by restrictions, many of the challenges identified by children, young people and their parents existed before and endure after the pandemic. Ensuring equitable access to learning resources, facilitating a structured environment, and exploring help seeking behaviour should be prioritised as potential areas of intervention.

Acknowledgments

We thank National Survey Series consortium from ONS, NatCen, NHS Digital, University of Cambridge and University of Exeter for their contributions to the national survey series. We thank the participating children, young people and families for giving their time so generously.

We would also like to thank the input from group members of the University Hertfordshire Young Persons Advisory Group and students and teachers at Ipswich High School who helped shape/develop our research materials.

All research in the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Cambridge benefits form support from the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (NIHR203312) and East of England Applied Research Centre. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the Department of Health and Social Care.

Disclosure statement

Tamsin Ford provides research consultancy to Place2Be a third sector organisation providing mental health advice to schools; funds are paid to her research group.

Supplemental data

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/13632752.2024.2360778.

Additional information

Funding

This study was funded by the Medical Research Council MR/V027751/1.

Notes on contributors

Lauren Cross

Lauren Cross is a former teacher and researcher with an interest in children and young people’s mental health, who led the data collection, analysis and drafting.

Emma Carey

Emma Carey is a researcher within the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Cambridge, who has previously worked in the field of educational psychology research.

Simon Benham-Clarke

Simon Benham-Clarke is a researcher who focusses on education and mental health to improve outcomes for young people.

Alex Hartley

Alex Hartley is a former Psychology student from the University of Bath who undertook a placement as a research assistant at the Department of Psychiatry, University of Cambridge.

Franki Mathews

Franki Matthews is a mixed-methods researcher with a focus on child and adolescent mental health.

Anne-Marie Burn

Anne-Marie Burn is a Chartered Psychologist and qualitative researcher whose research focuses on children and young people’s mental health.

Tamsin Newlove-Delgado

Tamsin Newlove-Delgado has a background in child and adolescent psychiatry and public health, and experience in applied epidemiology and mixed methods health services research.

Tamsin Ford

Tamsin Ford is a child and adolescent psychiatrist whose research focuses on interventions and services to optimise the mental health of children and young people.