COLIN MACKENZIE AS A COLLECTOR OF JAVANESE MANUSCRIPTS AND MANUSCRIPT BL MSS JAV. 29

Abstract

Among British collections of Javanese manuscripts, Mackenzie's, gathered between 1812 and 1816, excels in terms of the number of manuscripts and their generic diversity. Manuscripts of historical writings from Mackenzie's collection, in particular the different versions of the Mataram-Kartasura chronicle Babad Tanah Jawi (BTJ), are especially valuable. One such manuscript is BL MSS Jav. 29. Copied for Mackenzie by the Adipati of Lasem in 1812, it includes two compositions: a poem on the fiscal system of Lasem in the late 18th to the early 19th century and a version of BTJ. BL MSS Jav. 29 is significant in many respects. Its opening note contains information about Mackenzie as a collector and about Javanese attitudes towards their historical tradition. Marginal remarks left by a team of copyists provide interesting new data on the work of Javanese scribes. Especially important, however, is the fact that BL MSS Jav. 29 contains the earliest version of BTJ known at present. The original was written in the 1720s under the patronage of the spouse of Pakubuwana I, Ratu Mas Blitar, a famous political, religious and literary figure of the Kartasura era.

Notes

¹Mackenzie's materials related to Java comprise two collections: the ‘1822 collection’ and the ‘Private collection’. These collections were originally transferred to the Library of the India Office, and are kept at present in the British Library. Subdivisions A and B of the ‘Private collection’, which include Javanese manuscripts, are described in the unpublished catalogue by Weatherbee (1972; kept in the British Library) and in the catalogue by M. Ricklefs and P. Voorhoeve (1977: 58–71). Subdivisions C and D of the ‘Private collection’ and the ‘1822 collection’ include materials in English, Dutch, French and Portuguese: various notes, official documents, books and, particularly important, translations and summaries of Javanese manuscripts. These texts in European languages are described in the catalogue by C.O. Blagden (1916: 1–36 for the ‘1822 collection’, [14–36 for summaries of Javanese manuscripts], 37–256 for the ‘Private collection’).

²For a detailed biography, see Mackenzie 1952.

³For the catalogues of this collection, see Wilson 1882 (original edition 1828), Taylor 1837–1838, Taylor 1838, Mahalingam 1972.

⁴Mackenzie's Report and journal (Blagden 1916) give the idea of his travels during which he acquired a number of Javanese manuscripts. In February 1812 he passed down the Solo River from Surakarta to Surabaya. From there, in March 1812, he arrived in Madura and spent some time at the court of the Sultan Cakradiningrat I at Bangkalan. Afterwards, in four days, he crossed Madura, got acquainted with the Panembahan of Sumenep, Natakusuma, and received from him manuscript BL MSS Jav. 13 (Sajarah Sume˘ne˘p). Incidentally it was through the Panembahan's son that Mackenzie received manuscript BL MSS Jav. 25 (Bharata Yuddha) in September of 1812. Finally, in the course of the same March excursion to Madura, Mackenzie met Pangeran Pame˘kasan who gave him manuscript BL MSS Jav. 16 (Se˘rat Rama, which Mackenzie mistakenly described as the ‘History of Java in the Madurese language’). Having returned to Surabaya, he made a three-day journey to the Brantas delta and visited Japan (Majakerta) and Wirasaba. On 21 April 1812, he left Surabaya and travelled through Gresik, Tuban, Lasem, Rembang, and Juwana. During these travels he acquired manuscript BL MSS Jav. 12B (‘A history of Sunan Giri’) from the Adipati of Gresik and manuscript BL MSS Jav. 29 (Babad Jawi) from the Adipati of Lasem (received in Kudus on 4 May). From Juwana, Mackenzie continued his journey by river to Pati and further to Japara and Kudus. The Adipati of Kudus provided him with manuscript BL MSS Jav. 17 (Panji Angreni and Angling Darma, copied in July of 1812 in Semarang and again erroneously taken by Mackenzie for ‘A history of Java’). On 5 May, Mackenzie arrived in Semarang and stayed there until June, when he accompanied Raffles and Gillespie on their military expedition against Yogyakarta.

⁵As Weatherbee (1978) shows, Raffles did use Mackenzie's materials quite broadly (in particular Se˘rat Kandha translated for Mackenzie into English by Middlekoop) in his History of Java (Raffles 1817).

⁶For Mackenzie's manuscripts showing these codicological features, see Ricklefs and Voorhoeve 1977: 58–71.

⁷For these MSS, see Blagden 1916: 16–19.

⁸Kindly provided by Dr Annabel Gallop. With reference to Weatherbee and only minimal additions, this description was later reproduced in the catalogue of Ricklefs and Voorhoeve (1977: 61).

⁹The Javanese original (here and below quotes, capital letters and punctuation marks added): ‘Awiyos sarehning Kangje˘ng Tuwan Kulonel Makensi, aparing parentah dhate˘ng Kyai Dipati Lase˘m, supados anyaosana babad-babad. Sarta pangandikanipun: ‘Kula ngrungu yen dika ing ngriki akathah babad-babad’. Sawab puniku: ‘Sampun tan bote˘n’. ‘Muga kula dika kirimi te˘tulisan babad-babad, ingkang enggal tulidi kapasrahake maring tuwan dros, supaya kakirimi namaning kula. Sarta sampun dika songga krama kimawon, inggih inggih temahan lawas’. Sawab punika Kyai Dipati Lase˘m: ‘Kami purun anyaosake˘n se˘rat babad, sangking lalampahipun kala wit kadadosake Dipati ing Lase˘m, saengga ing dale˘m kalih we˘las taun kirang ke˘dhik, sangking prakawis punika wau le˘lampahan. Bilih wonte˘n ingkang ame˘stani le˘pat, inggih kados pundi malih sarehning sampun kala (Je˘ng?) Kangje˘ng ngake˘n’.

[The continuation of the text is written in a different, smaller handwriting] Wiyosipun malih kala Kangje˘ng Tuwan Kolonel Makensi amundhut se˘rat babad. Kyai Dipati Lase˘m nunten agadhah atur, sarupinipun bupati kados yen sami gadhah babad punika, punapa dening Kangje˘ng Sunan Kangje˘ng Sultan. Kalih dening aturipun malih Kyai Dipati dhate˘ng Kangje˘ng Tuwan Makensi: ‘Me˘nggah kawula babad jawi punika akathah ingkang salah, mila kawula bote˘n angestokake˘n, jawi ingkang sampun tetela dipunre˘mbagi ngakathah, sarta bote˘n patos lami te˘me˘n’ Tumunte˘n mangsulanipun Kangje˘ng Tuwan Makensi: ‘Yen carita babad puniku wonte˘n kaluputane, dede dika kang anduweni kasalahan’ (Jav. 29, f. 2v).

¹⁰Mackenzie left Surabaya on the 21 April and before his arrival in Lasem he visited Gresik and Tuban (see footnote 4).

¹¹Cf. Chambert-Loir (2006: 374) on the speed of copying of Malay MSS.

¹²The Javanese original: ‘1. We˘daring srat se˘kar madu manis/sukci kadya pandhitaning nata/se˘ngkala duk pane˘rate/se˘lasa dinte˘nipun/tanggal tiga likur ane˘nggih/nuju sasi Ramelan/E˘je ingkang tahun/anglampahi ing ngayahan/malah mandar angsala barkahing gusti/mulya te˘keng de˘lahan.

2. Kang kinarya purwakaning tulis/cacaritan kang prakawis yatra/ne˘gari Lase˘m wiyose/tuwin pratingkahipun/kang kasuda kalayan malih/ingkang dereng kasuda/wonte˘n dening wau/prakawis plawang punika/awit sangking aturipun ingkang mantri/wasta Wirasantika

3. Sarta aturipun mantri malih/Surajaya lan Se˘sadirona […]’ (Jav. 29, f. 3r).

¹³The Javanese original: ‘1. Purwaning sastra kinardi/in dinte˘n tumuwa siyang/Rabiyulakir sasine/nuju tanggal ping sawe˘las/taun Alip punika/sewu pitung ngatus langkung/ne˘nggih tigang dasa sanga.

2. Tatkalanira tinulis/wonte˘n nagri Kamal ika/kalangkung suka legane/anglampahi ingkang karsa/Mangkensi Kangje˘ng Tuwan/punika ingkang anurun/Dipati Yudanagara.

3. Srirat kang tine˘dak iki/kang yasa Kangje˘ng Ratu Mas/Be˘litar ne˘nggih namane/kang garwa Kangje˘ng Susunan/sine˘mbah wong Me˘taram/Paku Buwana rumuhun/kang sinare Pajimatan.

4. Kangje˘ng Ratu Mas ane˘nggih/ing mangke sampun mardika/ane˘te˘pi ing sabare/wus mandhe˘p marang Pangeran/lumaku sabilulah/puji dongane tan surud/ingkang sine˘mbah wong Mataram.

5. Ingkang pinurwa ing kawi/wartane pandhita Jawa/tume˘dhak malah ing mangke/tumrap ing de˘lancang cina/rinumpakeng kang wusan/kaike˘t sinungan pupuh/ate˘mbang asmaradana.

6. Te˘dhak tume˘dhak ing mangke/kang ame˘ngku Nusa Jawa/nora pe˘gat saturune/purwanipun Nabi Adam/yayah ing wong sajagat/yayah ing roh Nabi Rasul/Nurbuwat kang date˘ng Jawa.

7. Nabi Adam putra E˘sis/nabi Sis putra Nurcahya […]’ (Jav. 29, ff. 14v–15v).

¹⁴For these books, see Poerbatjaraka 1940 and in particular Ricklefs 1998: 28–126, the seminal study of Ratu Mas Blitar's literary activity.

¹⁵See Poerbatjaraka 1940: 9, Behrend 1998: 244.

¹⁶Javanese original: ‘Ane˘nggih kitab puniki/kang yasa Kanje˘ng Ratu Mas/Balitar ing kakasihe/kang gre˘wa Kanjeng Susunan/Ratu Pakubuwana […] (Poerbatjaraka 1940: 30).

¹⁷Javanese original: ‘kala tine˘ngga kang raka/mangku rat nu[sa] Jawa/paparabe Kang Sinuhun/Kanje˘ng Ratu Mas Balitar’, ‘kaga[n]ten putra Narendra/tume˘keng wayah Sang Katong’ (Ricklefs 1998: 42).

¹⁸Javanese original: ‘jimate wong nusa Jawa’, ‘[…] pinundhi-pundhi/dening mantri Kartasura’, ‘angsala […]/bare˘kate Sang Akatong/kang pinundhi ing mastaka’ (Ricklefs 1998: 42–43).

¹⁹The introduction to Carita Iskandar states that the copying of this text was commissioned by Pakubuwana III (1749–1788). However, as the date of copying is given as 1791, it must be refering to Pakubuwana IV, who ruled from 1788 to 1820.

²⁰‘Kang Se˘rat Babat Matawis/ing mangke ingkang tine˘dak/samya angalap be˘rkate/kang pinuju nusa Jawa/kang dadi pangauban/nurunake˘n para ratu/amarentah tanah Jawa’ (Cod.Or. 2291, f. 1v–2r ).

²¹Javanese original: ‘kinasiyan ing Yang Mulya/[…] wus angsal ingkang safangat/Nabi Duta Mustafa/[…] rine˘kseng para malekat’, ‘asih ing ujar agoma’ (Ricklefs 1998: 41–42).

²²This assumption was made in an earlier paper of the present author (Kouznetsova 2006: 130).

²³For instance, the preface of the Surakarta Major Babad calls this chronicle ‘pusaka pinustaka’, ‘an heirloom in the form of a book’ (Ras 1992c: 188, 212; cf. Wieringa 1999: 249 and further discussion of this issue on pp. 252–53).

²⁴In 1729 the famous high official Tumenggung Tirtawiguna, Ratu Amangkurat, mother of Pakubuwana II, and Ratu Mas Blitar, his grandmother, made up an influential group of Kartasura courtiers who struggled for the influence on the young king, using for this, inter alia, the magical books mentioned above (Ricklefs 1998: 104–5).

²⁵For the unpublished babad in BL MSS Jav. 36 (henceforth Jav. 36[A]), the manuscript itself was utilised (see Ricklefs and Voorhoeve 1977: 62, Ricklefs 1978); the Major Babad and Babad Kraton were used in their editions, Babad Tanah Jawi 1939–1941 and Ras et al. 1992, respectively.

²⁶The pre-Mataram part of the Kartasura chronicle is not in the incomplete Jav. 36[A]. Therefore, this section of Jav. 29[B] cannot be compared to it.

²⁷Ras (1992b: 255–57) believed that that early Babad Demak might have been a similar text to the recently found Babad Pasisiran (Sadi Hutomo et al. 1984), which includes an extensive genealogy of rulers and the elite (both secular and spiritual) of the north coast of Java in the Demak era. However, our study of the undoubtedly older manuscript of Se˘rat Sejarah Demak (BL Add. 12313 also copied in BL Add. 12333) shows that this text is even richer in genealogical information and contains the same ‘more complete’ version of the events in Demak, which is found in Jav. 29. Therefore, Se˘rat Sejarah Demak is a better candidate for the role of counterpart to the old Babad Demak which served as a basis of the Mataram chronicle. For a detailed analysis of Se˘rat Sejarah Demak in general and the issue discussed above in particular, see Kouznetsova 2006.

²⁸This consideration is also important for the above analysis of the preface of Jav. 29[B].

²⁹Again, Jav. 29[B] is here compared with the Kartasura babad Jav. 36[A], the Surakarta Major Babad and the Yogyakarta Babad Kraton.

³⁰In the introductions of Carita Iskandar we read that this work was ‘offered to her grandchild [Pakubuwana II]/that it may become a pusaka’ (‘naosi wayah Narendra/malar dadi wasiyat’; Ricklefs 1998: 43).

³¹The study of this selection is hampered by the fact that as long as babad preceding the chronicle of Ratu Mas Blitar are not found, we do not know what kind of different representations of the same events were available for her to choose. Nevertheless, the very fact of her acceptance and therefore approval of a particular representation implied a kind of choice reflecting, among other things, her personal predilections. At the same time, a comparison with later babad confirms that her approval of a certain representation was indeed a choice, since other chroniclers and/or their patrons could and sometimes did portray the same event differently.

³²The part of Jav. 36[A] which could have contained the story of the origin of Kyai Plered (and that of Kyai Bende) is absent from the manuscript. In the Major Babad (II: 73) the story of the spear is not related to Kyai Ageng Tarub. The chronicle relates that Bondan Kejawan, a son of the last king of Majapahit, Brawijaya, and also one of the ancestors of the Mataram-Kartasura dynasty, received this spear from his father. Babad Kraton makes no mention of the origin of Kyai Plered.

³³ Babad Kraton (I: 97–98) and the Major Babad (IV: 4–5) tell a different story of the origin of the gong, which is connected to the great-grandson of Bondan Kejawan, Kyai Ageng Sela. The latter gives orders to kill the dalang (puppeteer) of the Sultan of Demak, so that he can seize his very beautiful wife. Afterwards, Kyai Ageng Sela takes away the dalang's gong and other wayang props. The name of the dalang was Ki Bicak and therefore the gong was also called Ki Bicak. The one who owns it is believed to become the king of Java.

³⁴The Major Babad (II: 76–79; III: 1–14) relates two attacks of the Majapahit troops against Giri and their repulsion first by Sunan Giri and afterwards by his son, Sunan Parapen, with the help of a magical kris and a swarm of bees. Afterwards, the wali's army under the command of Raden Patah of Demak arrives in Majapahit, but no battle takes place. Brawijaya ascends to heaven and at that very moment the radiant ball (pulung), a symbol of royal power, flies from the kraton of Majapahit to Demak. In contrast, Jav. 29[B] (just as Se˘rat Kandha and Se˘rat Sejarah Demak) does not mention the Majapahit attacks against Giri. In this babad the army of Raden Patah and the wali takes the field against Majapahit twice; initially their army is led by Sunan Ngudung, who suffers defeat and dies, and later by his son Sunan Kudus, who is victorious. Not only a kris and bees, but also hordes of mice and spirits of nature are used as magical means to put the Majapahit troops to flight. Brawijaya's ascension to heaven and the pulung's flight to Demak are not mentioned either. In this description both wars against the infidel king are an initiative of the wali alone (Jav. 29, ff. 96r–99r). Babad Kraton (I: 81–82) narrates the war against and the fall of Majapahit very briefly and does not mention either Sunan Ngudung and Sunan Kudus or Sunan Giri.