Notions of ‘Us and Them’: markers of stratification in clubbing lifestyles

Abstract

This article discusses the routine ways in which young people call on material, cultural and interactional resources to assemble typifications in dance club cultures. These constructs highlight the divisions and distinctions that illustrate what Hollands (2002) calls the structuration of youth cultures. My findings suggest that in elective cultural groups such as clubbers, notions of ‘us and them’ are present; these are related to the process of ‘becoming a clubber’. These processes and practices are not just associated with cultural taste, but also cultural knowledge. In order to conceptualise these findings I look to various theoretical frameworks that have been used to understand the lives of young people in relation to their lifestyles, cultural groups, capitals and identities. I discuss the utility of such frameworks, as well as the concepts that have been used to understand club culture itself. My analysis drew me to the work of Schutz (1967, 1970a, 1970b, 1973, 1976; Schutz & Luckmann 1974); this work helped illuminate the ways in which young people constructed typifications and cultural boundaries that were illustrative of their identification with and differentiation from ‘others’. I outline some of the central notions found in the work of Schutz and illustrate how these were used in the analytic process. I suggest that the work of Schutz can be used in conjunction with the concept of social capital, the concept of lifestyle and symbolic interactionism to take account of the role of social divisions and status inequalities in lifestyle ‘choices’ and cultural affiliations of young people. The article concludes by suggesting that many of the study participants used knowledge in constructing ‘otherness’ as a powerful means of identification and differentiation, inclusion and exclusion.

Notes

Correspondence to: Rhoda MacRae, Social Work Research Centre, Department of Applied Social Science, University of Stirling, UK. Email: [email protected].

The process of moving on and out of clubbing is taken up in MacRae (2002).

Thornton uses the term subculture to identify taste cultures that are labelled by the media as underground, she does not adopt the theoretical definition associated with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) (1995, p. 8).

I understand the term ‘ned’ to mean the same as Hammersley et al. (2002, p. 29). The following description is taken from that text: ‘The term “ned” is widely used in Glasgow. “Ned” is something you call other people, it is a relative term and depends on how you see yourself. It is a derogatory word for young, working class people, particularly boys who tend to dress in casual, often sports gear such as track‐suits. They have a reputation for being rowdy, criminal and violent.’

Leisure conglomerates often cater to a large generic customer base, they tend to offer mainstream music (i.e., ‘cheese and chart’)—this music is often a mixture of old and new Top 40 hits.

Dressing in an ‘overtly visual feminine manner’ is not always about attracting the attention of the opposite sex, for a discussion on women's hedonism and safety in public space, see Skeggs (1999). I also take up gendered notions of safety in ‘Becoming a clubber: transitions, identities and lifestyles’ (MacRae 2002).

Schutz does not talk explicitly about gender, although I found Skeggs' argument worked well alongside his ideas: it was useful for thinking about gender and class in processes of becoming (1997). Becoming is a process that can be different things for different women of different classes, races, ages and nations, a process that requires specialised knowledge (Skeggs 1997, p. 98).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Rhoda MacRae

Correspondence to: Rhoda MacRae, Social Work Research Centre, Department of Applied Social Science, University of Stirling, UK. Email: [email protected].