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Articles

On digitally networked technologies, hegemony and regime durability in authoritarian regimes: a Zimbabwean case study

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Pages 1034-1047 | Received 21 Sep 2013, Accepted 29 Apr 2014, Published online: 20 Jun 2014
 

Abstract

This study seeks to comprehend how the mobile phone and the Internet change power relations between citizens and the state, by assessing the possibilities they allow for in terms of Gramsci's theory of hegemony, which explores class struggles and domination. It illustrates this theoretical position with a case study analysis of Zimbabwe. This way, it hopes to give a better explanation of diverging outcomes in terms of empowerment of citizens vis-à-vis their government. The paper addresses the ambiguous theoretical and empirical relationship between digitally networked technologies (DNTs) and democratization. It argues for an analytical distinction between democratization of public discourse, democratization of opportunities for collective action, and democratization of political decision-making. Synthesizing theories of liberation technologies, theories of alternative and participatory discourse, and Gramsci's theory of hegemony, this paper warns for technological deterministic thinking about DNTs' impact on the democratization of discourse and the democratization of opportunity for collective action. It further contends that, even if both types of democratization are realized, the democratization of political decision-making does not necessarily follow. Applying this theoretical synthesis to the case of Zimbabwe, this paper argues that the proliferation of DNTs, although having powerful effects, is but one factor that has changed power relations in Zimbabwe since independence. DNTs expand the number and reach of alternative discourses and can be a key campaigning tool for opposition politics but the standards upheld in DNTs-enabled communication seem to foster further polarization. Expanding spaces for counter-hegemonic forces and increasing popular acceptance of human rights discourses have limited the manoeuvrability of the Mugabe regime. Whether this will suffice to bring about real political change, however, will depend on the regime's continued successfulness in making apparent as opposed to real concessions.

Notes on contributors

Iris Leijendekker is affiliated with the Graduate School of Social Sciences at the University of Amsterdam (UVA), where she conducts research mainly exploring the intersection between technology and democracy. She was a political science major at Amsterdam University College before moving to UVA in 2013. [email: [email protected]]

Bruce Mutsvairo’s research explored the role of digital technologies in advancing political participation in sub-Saharan Africa. He earned his Ph.D. at Leiden University. [email: [email protected]]

Notes

1. The importance of Facebook as a medium of information proliferation is currently brilliantly illustrated by the publications of highly classified documents under the account of Baba Jukwa. These documents detail countless atrocities and webs of corruption by ZANU-PF members. The government has so far not been able to identify the figure behind the account, despite its highly advanced Intelligence Agency, the granting of a monetary reward for his head, and the high probability that the person is a high-ranking member within ZANU-PF.

2. To engage in a discussion of historic shifts in the conceptualizations of civil society is beyond the scope of this paper, but see Kaviraj and Khilnani (Citation2001) for an excellent cross-temporal and cross-cultural review of the term.

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