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Abstract
Focusing on the Spanish case, this article aims to contribute to the debate on the transformations affecting the so-called new model of eldercare.Footnote1 It outlines the transition towards a care provision model characterised by externalisation and denationalisation, which means the transference of care tasks to women from outside the family group who are mostly foreign. It draws primarily upon the connection established between the Welfare State, the feminisation of migrations and global care chains. The article notes the limitations of the public system of protection of elders, as well as those of formal care services, making eldercare reliant upon family involvement. Since the high cost of private companies’ services cannot be met by all family budgets, resorting to migrant carers emerges as a strategy/solution to the problem. We argue that the conditions in which the equation dependent elders-migrant carers is formulated favor the (re)production of social inequalities related to gender, class and nationality. Consequently, migrant care workers become a new potential ‘group’ for social work practice.
Centrándolos en el caso de España, este artículo pretende ser una contribución al debate sobre las transformaciones que están modulando el llamado nuevo modelo de cuidados.Footnote2 Exploramos la transición hacia un modelo de provisión de cuidados caracterizado por la externalización y desnacionalización, que refiere a la transferencia de las tareas del cuidado hacia mujeres de fuera del ámbito familiar, quienes son mayoritariamente extranjeras. Dirigiremos en primer lugar nuestra atención sobre las conexiones establecidas entre el Estado de Bienestar, la feminización de las migraciones y las cadenas globales de cuidado. El artículo muestra las limitaciones del sistema público de atención a mayores, así como la de los servicios de cuidado formal, que hacen recaer sobre las propias familias el cuidado de mayores. Dado que el coste económico tan elevado ofrecido por las empresas privadas no puede ser soportado por todos los presupuestos familiares, recurrir a las mujeres inmigrantes cuidadoras emerge como una estrategia/solución para resolver el problema. Planteamos que las condiciones en las que se concibe la ecuación mayores dependientes—mujeres inmigrantes cuidadoras favorecen la (re)producción de las desigualdades sociales de género, clase y nacionalidad. En consecuencia, las mujeres migrantes cuidadoras se han convertido en un potencial ‘grupo’ de atención en la práctica del trabajo social.
Acknowledgements
The Andalusian Institute for Women, Regional Government of Andalusia, for supporting the research titled ‘Family and Migrant Carers. Transformations in the Model of Dependent Care within the New Framework of the Dependency Law’ (2009–2010); the G.D. for Migration Policy Coordination of the Ministry of Employment, Regional Government of Andalusia for supporting the research titled ‘Immigrant Women in Assistance and Care Services in Jaén’ (2010–2011); the European Commission, Seventh Framework Programme for supporting the research titled ‘Gender, Migration and Intercultural Interactions in the Mediterranean and South East Europe: an Interdisciplinary Perspective’ (GE.M.IC); MICIIN (Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación) for supporting the research titled ‘Migration Policies, Familiar Transnationalism and Civic Stratification. Latinamerican Migration to Spain’ I_D_I 2010–2012 (CSO2009-1349) (2010–2012).
Notes
1. This reflection article is based upon our own research experience in: (1) Research: ‘Family and Migrant Carers. Transformations in the Model of Dependent Care within the New Framework of the Dependency Law’, supported by the Andalusian Institute for Women, Regional Government of Andalusia, (2) Research: ‘Immigrant Women in Assistance and Care Services in Jaén’, supported by the G.D. for Migration Policy Coordination of the Ministry of Employment, Regional Government of Andalusia, (3) Research: ‘Gender, Migration and Intercultural Interactions in the Mediterranean and South East Europe: an Interdisciplinary Perspective’ (GE.M.IC), supported by the European Commission, Seventh Framework Programme, (4) Research: ‘Migration Policies, Familiar Transnationalism and Civic Stratification. Latinamerican Migration to Spain’, MICIIN, I + D+I 2010-2012 (CSO2009-1349).
2. Este artículo de reflexión está basado en nuestra experiencia de investigación: (1) Investigación: ‘Cuidadoras familiares e inmigrantes. Transformaciones en el modelo de cuidados a las/os dependientes ante el nuevo marco de la Ley de Dependencia’, financiado por el Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer, Junta de Andalucía, (2) Investigación: ‘Mujeres inmigrantes en los servicios de atención y cuidado en Jaén’, financiado por la D.G. de Coordinación de Políticas Migratorias, Junta de Andalucía, (3) Investigación: ‘Gender, Migration and Intercultural Interactions in the Mediterranean and South East Europe: an Interdisciplinary Perspective’ (GE.M.IC), financiado por la Comisión Europea, Séptimo Programa Marco, (4) Investigación: ‘Políticas migratorias, transnacionalismo familiar y estratificación cívica. Las migraciones latinoamericanas hacia España’, MICIIN, I + D+I 2010-2012 (CSO2009-1349) (subprograma SOCI).
3. The Ministry of Health and Consumer Affairs (2005) uses the term Esperando de Vida Libre de Incapacidad (EVLI) (Disability-Adjusted Life Expectancy (DALE)) as an indicator to analyse the Spanish population's health in comparison to the European context.
4. In Europe, the number of women living in these types of residences is double the number for men. In some countries, like Luxembourg, this ratio is multiplied by three (Iacovou, 2000).
5. Very distant from Switzerland's 32%, in the border between the new member countries and the 15 countries which formed the European Union before 1 May 2004. Ten out of the 12 new members are located below Spain's level, together with one of the veterans (Ireland). Two of the most recent partners (Slovakia and Hungary) present higher figures than Spain.
6. An individualised programme, of a preventive and rehabilitating character, which articulates a set of services and professional intervention techniques consisting of personal and domestic assistance, psycho-social and family support, and relations with the domestic environment, provided at the dependent older person's house.
7. A service that, through the telephone and with computer equipment located in the assistance centre and at the user's home, allows elderly or handicapped people to press a button that they constantly carry with them and to be in verbal contact with professionals who are trained to respond to the urgency.
8. Social, sanitary and family support centres that offer assistance during the day for the basic, therapeutic and socio-cultural needs of elderly people with dependency to encourage their autonomy. They are located close to their habitual environments. They are publicly and privately-subsidized. The most common are homes and clubs for the elderly, and daycare centres for dependent elders.
9. Residential assistance for the elderly includes the following resources: residential centres, public service of temporary stays and alternative accommodation systems: assisted living facilities, residential apartments or any other resource of residential character (IMSERSO, 2009).
10. The rise in the number of users has translated into an increase of coverage, which has almost doubled, going from 2.75 in 2002 to 4.69 in 2008.
11. Eighty percent of residential centres (4,072) are privately owned and they manage 76.7% of residential vacancies (252,712). Twenty-four percent of the residential accommodations (78,828) are run in partnership with the public sector and 53% of them (173,884) are completely private accommodations paid for at market prices.
12. To access a benefit it is necessary to be evaluated on the degree of dependency by a team of social workers and a medical team. The different types of benefits/services are considered depending on that degree. The situation of dependency is classified in three levels: a) Grade I. Moderate dependency: when a person needs help at least once a day to perform their BADL or for intermittent needs; b) Grade II. Severe dependency: when a person needs help two or three times a day to perform their BADL but does not want the permanent support of a carer; c) Grade III. Major dependency: when a person needs help to perform their BADL several times a day and, due to their loss of physical, mental, intellectual or sensorial autonomy, needs the indispensable and continuous support of another person.
13. By 1 July 2009, a total of 913,723 applications were submitted, 77.33% of which have the right to be beneficiaries of a service (in the first year, that right was only granted to those who were evaluated as having a Grade III dependency; currently, this is also granted to those with Grade II). Also, differences between the Autonomous Communities have been very important. For example, Andalusia had 231,115 rulings while Madrid had 40,201 (IMSERSO, 2009).
14. Causes and explanations of women's migrations are to be read in the gender key, ‘a factor that may explain not only the feminisation of poverty but female poverty, not only the feminisation of work but female work’ (Papí, 2003, p. 57).