‘Behind Closed Doors’: Debt-Bonded Sex Workers in Sihanoukville, Cambodia

Abstract

In the trafficking discourse and international law, debt-bonded sex workers have been defined as ‘victims of trafficking’. The hyperexploitative contractual arrangements faced by debt-bonded sex workers may be the most common form of contemporary forced labour practices in the modern industry. However, in this paper, I present women's individual experiences working under indenture in Sihanoukville, Cambodia. I do so because women's narratives raise many questions about ‘consent’ and ‘coercion’ that, to date, remain unanswered. By examining women's own perceptions of the situation, the present paper attempts to address issues related to ‘consent’ and ‘coercion’ in order to highlight some of the possible implications this has for both how we theorise about and respond to the issue of indenture.

Keywords:

• Cambodia
• Debt Bondage
• Gender
• Sex Trafficking
• Sex Work
• Women In Asia
• Women's Agency

Notes

1. Note that the language being used to describe debt bondage forecloses on the possibility of consent.

2. Steinfatt's study attempted to measure the number of trafficked women and children in the country. Unlike other studies in the region with questionable estimates, his remains as one of the few that applied a rigorous methodology that can be replicated and was reported on extensively.

3. Although just over 20 per cent of the 5317 directly observed sex workers in his study were considered trafficked, as Steinfatt (2003) suggests, it is problematic to uncritically apply this observed proportion to his estimated 18,256 sex workers throughout Cambodia. Applying the 20 per cent estimate would misjudge the proportion of indentured workers in rural areas, leading to an overestimate of 3688 trafficked women and children (for more on this, see Steinfatt 2003).

4. I intend to examine the impact of the 100% CUP in a forthcoming publication.

5. Phum Phka Chhouk (Lotus Flower Village) is not the real name of the area. Pseudonyms are used for all sex workers.

6. See Sandy (2006) for an example of the research disclosure and consent tool used as a part of this project, in Khmer with English translation. In the later interviews stage, there were several rather savage attacks on foreigners in the area. As a safety measure introduced after the first attack, I only undertook interviews when my field assistants could accompany me.

7. The estimates provided are drawn from my own observations and statistical data on the registration of sex workers and establishments kept as part of the 100% CUP.

8. Vietnamese sex workers were not included in the present study because their life stories introduce different issues and practices beyond the scope of this project. It would have necessitated learning another language and examination of a very different cultural context. However, for more on this see Busza (2004), Busza and Schunter (2001), Entwistle (2001) and Derks (1998).

9. Sihanoukville is a Franco-Khmer term meaning Sihanouk City. In Khmer, the official place name is Krong Preah Sihanouk (Municipality of King Sihanouk). However, in colloquial Khmer the city is often referred to by the old place name of Kampong Som (Kampong Saom, water village or port).

10. Sex workers used thav kae to refer to their bosses or brothel owners. This Chinese loan word means snakehead in Cantonese and was originally used to refer to people in control of Chinese migration chains.

11. It was common practice for sex workers to inflate their level of debt. This is because expatriate men would ‘buy’ local women who they were romantically involved with out of brothels. Sex workers and brothel owners would collude in this practice and split the additional money received between them. This could be anywhere between US$200 and US$3000. Somnang's brothel was one of the few in Phum Phka Chhouk that was regularly patronised by foreign men.