The policies and practices of technical and vocational education and training pathways into higher education in Bangladesh: lessons from Australia

ABSTRACT

By examining Bangladesh’s educational policies and practices, this paper investigates the transition from technical vocational education and training (TVET) to HE (HE). This study specifically focuses on two areas: how TVET graduates’ access to HE looks like in Bangladesh and what role HE institutions can play in boosting TVET graduates’ engagement in HE in Bangladesh by taking a cue from the Australian TVET system. Based on Marginson’s ‘high participation systems’ theory, it focuses on how TVET courses can lead to HE and how universities can facilitate TVET diploma holders’ access to bachelor’s degrees in their fields of study in Bangladesh. The qualitative content analysis of policy documents served as the foundation for this paper. This paper aims to advance our understanding of how structural obstacles (elitism) affect pathways from TVET to HE and how international ‘best practices’ can be localized in the Bangladeshi context.

KEYWORDS:

• TVET
• higher education
• pathways
• Bangladesh
• Australia

Introduction

Over the last few decades, participation in higher education (HE) has rapidly grown worldwide. Many would associate HE with the economic development of the nation, one of the driving factors of world trade and urbanization/modernization, but the importance of HE is more complex (Marginson, 2018b). Much research has been focused on the importance of accessing HE on a mass level (Marginson, 2016a, 2018b; Trow, 1973; Xie, 2015). However, with the rapid economic growth, the gap between the wealthy and the poor has widened, and HE is an essential tool to reduce this gap (Xie, 2015). Consequently, access to HE from different non-traditional tertiary systems, including Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), is vital for national growth, human growth, and social justice (Hodge et al., 2022).

The enhancement of the TVET programs has played a critical role in boosting Bangladesh’s economy, positioning the country as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies (Haolader et al., 2017). TVET programs in Bangladesh offer training and certification for various skills developed through these programs. The government’s primary focus in TVET sector is to address the existing challenges in the TVET system and build a robust and functional TVET system. Despite these efforts, TVET programs in Bangladesh still have several drawbacks that need to be addressed to establish a completely functional TVET system.

One of the key objectives of the latest Bangladesh National Education Policy (NEP) of 2010, for instance, is ‘to create unhindered and equal opportunities of education for all as per learners’ talents and aptitudes, irrespective of geographical, social and economic situations to establish a society that is free from discrimination; to resist the use of education as a commodity to reap profits’ (Ministry of Education, 2010, p. 9). The BENP of 2010 has also emphasized creating pathways for TVET students to pursue formal higher education in relevant fields to implement this objective (Ministry of Education, 2010, p. 25). However, TVET graduates are often not encouraged to pursue formal HE in practice. For example, the highest level of accreditation in a TVET program is a Diploma offered by a public/private Polytechnics and Training Institutions, but most students in the TVET system are influenced to enter the labor market as soon as feasible because they come from unstable and disadvantaged households (Alam, 2021). It is also argued that students from the TVET stream are often exploited due to their social class and lack equal opportunities to access HE. Additionally, most universities in Bangladesh do not accept TVET diplomas and deny students access to register in HE programs. This lack of access is increasing inequality in Bangladeshi society more and more. To understand access to HE from the TVET stream in Bangladesh, it is essential to investigate the barriers within the system.

So far, many studies (Alam, 2021; Haolader et al., 2017; Maleque et al., 2018; Maleque et al., 2022; Naziz, 2019) have concentrated on various facets of TVET programs as well as the social and structural barriers that prevent students from enrolling in the TVET programs in Bangladesh. In particular, most research focused on the effectiveness of the TVET programs, its curriculum, and the mechanism for collaboration with the labor market. However, this article aims to investigate how Bangladeshi national and HE institutional education policies provide and limit (or enable) the access to HE for TVET graduates. We apply Marginson’s concept of a High Participation System (HPS) to this investigation to comprehend how these institutional policies affect social justice. By analyzing national education policies and institutional documents in Bangladesh, we argue that there is a gap between policies and practices regarding transitions from TVET programs to HE. Upon identifying the issues of transitioning, we also make an effort to comprehend global ‘best practices’, such as the Australian pathways system, and we contend that it is feasible to close the gap between policy and practice by giving TVET Diploma holders access to HE by establishing a pathway from the TVET program.

We examine the Australian TVET system to identify ‘best practices’ in the local context, as this special issue aims to provide fresh insights that expand knowledge and understanding of vocational education and training (VET) and higher education in Australia and internationally by conceptualizing how the tertiary field is responding to massification and the future of work.

Following this brief introduction, we attempt to comprehend Marginson’s idea of the HPS, which serves as the theoretical foundation for this study. After that, we review the literature to investigate the TVET pathways in HE, emphasizing the Australian context. This literature review is crucial to examining Australian TVET graduates’ ‘best practices’ for HE pathways and figuring out how to adapt Australian lessons to Bangladeshi contexts. Next, we discuss the research methodology. Afterward, we present our findings, examining Bangladesh’s structural barriers to pathways and the HE paths taken by TVET graduates. We conclude this paper by discussing accessibility issues, how it reproduces inequality in society, and what Bangladeshi TVET systems can learn from Australian TVET pathway systems.

Conceptualizing HE participation system (HPS)

Marginson (2018b) discussed three significant trends in HE: massification, the strong influence of neoliberal policies, and globalization. The latter two received greater attention from academics who studied HE massification and its effects on society (Marginson, 2016a). Marginson (2018b) examined the massification of HE and made the case that it is crucial for survival in the neo-liberal environment. According to him, everyone must prepare for the current competitive climate because those without a HE degree are frequently the first to be disregarded during the hiring process or fired during corporate downsizing (Marginson, 2016b). Therefore, all nations are responsible for ensuring access to HE for all to provide equal chances of employability and social mobility.

Based on Martin Trow’s (1973) works, Marginson focused on the High Participation System (HPS) of HE (Callender, 2020). Trow (1973) noted general growth trends in the HE sectors, particularly in developed economies. His essay covered the elite, mass, and universal HE phases developed based on participation rates (Trow, 1973). When a nation’s HE participation rate is less than 15%, the university comes across as an ‘elite’ location; when it is over 15%, it is said to be a mass location; and when it is beyond 50%, it is a universal location (Marginson, 2017). Marginson (2017) summarized that in each of Trow’s HE stages, the purpose of HE changed, and based on that, the curriculum, teaching, learning, and assessment changed. At Trow’s ‘universal’ stage, the goal is to prepare the whole population to adapt to social and technological change instead of only focusing on developing the professional and technical skills of the masses or the mind and character building of the elite class (Marginson, 2018b; Trow, 1973). However, Marginson (2018b) suggested that it is critical to distinguish between 50% and 100%. He argued that calling 50% universal would be incorrect since even in developed nations like the US, there are groups of individuals who are disadvantaged and underrepresented and identifying 50% student population as universal will leave these groups out of the demographic (Marginson, 2017). Marginson (2018b) asserted that 50% of the population might be classified as HPS, recognizing the high participation rate while including individuals who struggle to enroll in HE.

The HPS is focused on the dynamics of the massification of HE and is primarily concerned with challenges related to governance, diversity, stratification, and equity. These issues affect the intersection of national societies, HPS higher education, and the politics, legislation, and regulations surrounding them (Marginson, 2018b). Marginson (2018b) discussed how the spread of high participation affects HE, and there are two main scopes for exploring this issue. The first examines the ‘scale and depth’ of the growth, and the second is the immense shift in number depicting a massive change in the HE system. Both cases require extensive research. Examining the connection between HE, the state, and society is among many concerns pertinent to HPS. Another area would be the state’s role in HPS conditions (Marginson, 2018b). Even though the curiosity about the state’s role and its relationship with its own and other entities in HPS is significant, we also must understand that in HPS, these entities are not isolated or separated (Marginson, 2018b). All the state-level agencies and institutions are linked with each other and are affected by HPS. Therefore, HPS is multidimensional and impacts our social, economic, cultural, psychological, and political aspects of life (Marginson, 2018b).

In most cases, any system implemented in most countries is top-down. Many might believe state policies provide access to TVET graduates in HE, as they control the central part of the funding and the number of students in public and private HE (Marginson, 2016a). Also, the labor market or other external factors often influence government policy. This policy shift usually has a massive impact on changing the HE system. However, since HPS is a multidisciplinary foundation, government intervention is central to promoting it (Marginson, 2018b). In particular, Marginson (2018a) identified HPS as a social phenomenon rather than just an educational or economically driven phenomena. Marginson (2018a) emphasized the interconnected relationship between education and society within the framework of HPS. He suggested that social mobility in and out of HE and issues of equality and inequality are complex processes of social reproduction. Marginson (2018b) presented four propositions related to equity in HPS. First, as educational systems expand, social inclusion is improved. Second, growth in HE is often accompanied by increased stratification and social inequality in educational and graduate outcomes, unless there are compensating state policies. Third, the positional structure of HE tends to mirror that of society. Finally, states and institutions find it increasingly challenging to redistribute social opportunities in education.

Consequently, all government and non-government agencies should create a pathway to provide mass-level access to HE while also providing for their cost and value (Marginson, 2016b, p. 415). Furthermore, Marginson (2017) argued that although many economists claim economic needs influence HE to over-produce graduates to fulfill long-term economic demand, and see this ‘over-production of graduates’ as a negative for a society where HPS should be susceptible to local and national needs and requirements. Also, it is essential to consider how HPS might impact emerging issues nationally and globally in the long run.

From the above discussion, we understood that HPS is a complex and social phenomenon that deals with issues of equity, diversity, stratification, and governance in the context of mass HE worldwide. These concerns impact the politics, laws, and regulations surrounding them, as well as the relationship between national society and HE institutions. We also understood that without compensatory state policies, the hierarchical structure of HE reflects that of society, making it difficult for states and institutions to redistribute social opportunities in education. Moreover, while the growth of HE increases social inequality and stratification in educational and graduate outcomes, HPS and equity are closely related. By utilizing Marginson’s concept of HPS related to equity, in this article, we analyze and evaluate the discrepancies between Bangladesh’s HE policy and practices to deepen our understanding of TVET graduates’ HE access to improve societal fairness in Bangladesh.

In particular, as the HPS is not just a trend in high-income societies; many middle-income and some low-income nations are also trending in that direction (Marginson, 2016b). Bangladesh is a lower middle-income nation; in 2021, the enrolment rate was 23% in HE (The World Bank, 2023). Bangladesh has entered the ‘mass’ of Trow’s phases. Through TVET systems, the government of Bangladesh has been creating and executing a skills development program that links to its educational policy. The Bangladesh government also adopted a range of education policies where TVET systems became a pertinent of whole education systems. The National Education Policy 2010 and the Skills Development Policy 2011 are the two most relevant policies for understanding the TVET graduates’ access to HE. The National Skills Development Policy 2011 focuses on developing technical and vocational skills and providing more people access to HE through the Polytechnics and technical and vocational training institutes, which creates a pathway to formal HE (Ministry of Education, 2011). Additionally, in Bangladesh, three types of institutions – private, public and international universities – provide HE (University Grants Commission, 2023). However, these different kinds of institutions have different social statuses and acceptability. Consequently, in this article, we use the HPS related to equity to investigate whether the Bangladeshi government has incorporated access to HE from TVET programs as a fundamental component of its educational policies over time. Moreover, the number of universities and students in HE in Bangladesh has risen over the last few decades. For instance, in 2008, 1,359,610 students were studying in 80 public and private universities. This number has risen to 3,960,470 students in 132 public and private universities by 2017 (UGC, 2018, cited in Kabir & Chowdhury, 2021). It is crucial to investigate how HE institutions treat TVET graduates to ensure that they are given equal opportunities to access HE. The HPS related to equity will be utilized for this analysis and discussion. Furthermore, since every national HPS operates independently and is also a part of a larger network, it undergoes a process of similarity and difference with other HPS (Marginson, 2018b). This article also aims to identify the lesson learned from the Australian TVET pathways in HE within the local context to improve HPS related to equity in HE systems in Bangladesh.

The following section will inform the Australian TVET in HE pathways based on the literature review, identifying the lessons learned that can be applied to the Bangladeshi context.

Understanding the pathways of TVET in HE: lessons from Australia

Globally, the TVET system is diverse, varied, and complicated. Because of their diversity and ability to meet the needs of international markets, Anglo-Saxon and European TVET systems are regarded as the greatest in the world (Peters, 2021). This section primarily focuses on the Australian TVET system to explain how pathways to HE operates.

The transition pathways from post-secondary TVET to HE means the process that enables students to advance from one qualification to another through a defined roadmap (Australian Qualifications Framework Council, 2023; Naziz, 2019). This transition pathway ensures equitable access to HE for TVET diploma graduates. One of the crucial goals of the sustainable development goals (SDGs) is equitable access to education. Unlike the previous United Nations goals, HE has become essential to achieving educational targets (Naziz, 2019). Groener and Andrews (2019) argued in their study in the context of South Africa that TEVT diploma graduates face challenges in getting admitted to universities to pursue formal education. However, their desire to pursue HE persisted despite all the barriers they had to overcome (Groner & Andrews, 2019). UNESCO (2012) stated that the Third International Congress on TVET in Shanghai in 2012 recognized that a flexible pathway to HE from TVET is critical to attracting the student population to enroll in TVET institutions. So, for equitable access to HE, it is crucial to develop pathways that support the TVET diploma graduates in pursuing formal higher education.

TVET has provided significant opportunities for massifying HE in recent decades. However, the stratified education system in the world has allocated an inferior status to the students from this field who need to receive the opportunities. That academically oriented curriculum produces its students. So, many developed countries are trying to address this issue by developing a smooth pathway for TVET graduates to enter HE (Naziz, 2019). Naziz (2019) argued that countries like Germany, Scotland, Norway, Australia, and Spain have created pathways for TVET diploma graduate students to enter HE institutions (OECD, 2012). One of the most cited examples is from the Australian context, which provides integrated technical and further education (TAFE) by creating partnerships between TVET institutions and Universities (Naziz, 2019). Australia has developed a combined framework in more transfers from TVET to HE quickly (OECD, 2012).

The Australian TVET and HE sectors are diverse, where funding responsibilities are at the respective States and Territories but have been regulated by the Commonwealth Government Agencies since 2011. Previously, each State and Territory government controlled the regulation of VET and private HE providers. Now, the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency (TEQSA) governs HE, and the Australian Skills and Quality Authority (ASQA) oversees VET in the new system (Netswera et al., 2017).

In 1995, the Australian Government introduced the Australian Qualification Framework (AQF) to incorporate a comprehensive national system of qualifications for schools, TVET, and Universities across the country (Karmel, 2014). To manage both the TVET and HE sectors with a single-track vision and ensure that the transfer of credits was made simple across both sectors, the AQF changed between 2008 and 2011 (Netswera et al., 2017). This change aligned the AQF qualification levels with the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) (OECD, 2012). There are five parts of AQF, including learning outcomes of each AQF level and qualification type, specifications for accrediting and developing qualifications, policy requirements for issuing AQF qualifications, policy requirements for qualifications linkages and student pathways, and policy requirements for the registers of organizations authorized to accredit AQF qualifications and the issue of AQF qualifications and to specify qualification pathways (Karmel, 2014, p. 236).

The relative complexity and depth of performance and the autonomy needed to show that achievement is indicated by the AQF levels and the AQF levels criteria (Australian Qualifications Framework Council, 2023). For instance, a graduate receiving a diploma (AQF level 5, ISCED level 5B) is expected to acquire practical specialist knowledge and skills for skilled/paraprofessional work and further education. Graduates receiving associate, bachelor, or master’s degrees (AQF LEVEL 5, ISCED level 5A) must have specialist theoretical knowledge for skilled/professional work and further education. In contrast, an Advanced Degree graduate (AQF level 6 that is ISCED level 6) is anticipated to have a comprehensive knowledge base and abilities necessary for a paraprofessional/highly skilled job and additional education (Australian Qualifications Framework Council, 2023; OECD, 2012). Within the category of bachelor’s degrees, there are two levels: the bachelor’s degree (level 7) and the Bachelor’s honors degree, graduate certificate, and graduate diploma (level 8). The knowledge and skills needed for professional employment and further education are comprehensive and cohesive for bachelor’s degree students (level 7). A student’s advanced knowledge and abilities at level 8 will prepare them for professional or highly skilled jobs and further education (Australian Qualifications Framework Council, 2023).

Despite being TVET and HE independent sectors in the Australian educational system, the AQF includes both the TVET and HE sectors (Beckley et al. 2015). Although some qualifications are exclusive to a particular industry, such as certificates I – IV in TVET and associate, bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees in HE, there is still considerable overlap between these qualifications and the diplomas, advanced diplomas, and graduate certificates offered in both sectors (Karmel, 2014, p. 237). This framework places diplomas and advanced diplomas granted under the VET quality system at levels 5 and 6. In contrast, HE institutions’ associate and bachelor’s degrees are at levels 6 and 7 (Hodge et al., 2022). However, AQF gives Australia’s credentials a uniform standard, creating a yardstick for assessing how well students are prepared before enrolling in academic programs (Hodge et al., 2022). The AQF offers distinct routes to and through formal credentials in all education areas provided by different educational institutes in Australia’s states and territories.

Most paths are managed locally and depend on specific credentials and disciplines of study (Karmel, 2014). Several HE institutions have developed agreements with one another to make it possible for students to go from a course into a bachelor’s program. For example, a Bachelor of Engineering degree from University X may be followed promptly by a Diploma in Mechanical Engineering from VET provider Y, but not necessarily by a Bachelor of Engineering degree from University Z (Netswera et al., 2017). Universities have also adopted a variety of procedures for recognizing TAFE degrees. For instance, the University of Technology Sydney (UTS) implemented a strategy as part of the TAFE pathways program whereby year 12 students were given extra points toward their final Australian Tertiary Admissions Rank (ATAR) scores if they completed a TAFE-provided TVET Health Services Certificate III (Beckley et al., 2015).

Students are more likely to enroll in HE when there is a standardized structure and pathway from TVET to HE. Programs at levels 8 and 9 are occasionally offered by TAFE institutions and other VET providers (Hodge et al., 2022). Many contend that universities’ techniques to validate VET degrees also aid students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds who wish to enroll in HE through VET programs (see Beckley et al., 2018). Utilizing various cutting-edge resources, such as Western Sydney University’s Diploma Plus and Let us Talk Uni, aids VET students in making a smoother transition to HE (Beckley et al., 2018). Similarly, the associate degree program at Deakin University offers TVET students the chance to acquire the skills necessary for academic success in the university’s undergraduate programs (Naziz, 2019). However, equality concerns persist, given that domestic student growth occurs at these two providers in opposite ways. The main problem is that TAFE providers offer substantially less important courses in universities; for example, 32% of TAFE provision is in creative arts (Hodge et al., 2022).

From the above discussion, we understood that the transition pathway guarantees TVET diploma holders’ fair access to HE. Acknowledging the adaptability of the TVET to HE pathway is essential to drawing students to TVET institutions. This discussion also emphasizes how, in recent years, TVET has offered a great deal of opportunity for HE massification. Several countries in the global north, including Australia, Germany, Scotland, Norway, and Spain, have created accessible pathways for TVET graduates to pursue HE. We also understood that the AQF in Australia integrates a comprehensive national system of qualifications for TVET and Universities throughout the nation, despite the diversity within the TVET and HE sectors. AQF ensures two important things: first, it provides uniform standards for degrees offered by both TVET and HEIs, and second, it offers distinct routes to and through formal credentials in all educational areas provided by different educational institutes in Australia’s states and territories. Therefore, this framework allows for managing both sectors with a single-track vision and guarantees that credit transfer between the two industries is straightforward. Most notably, most pathways are controlled locally and require particular qualifications and academic fields. Several HE institutions have collaborated to enable students to transfer from a course into a bachelor’s program. The lesson learned from the Australian pathways of TVET to HEIs will allow us to critically analyze the Bangladeshi education policies and university practices regarding TVET graduates’ pathways to HE in Bangladesh. In particular, we use this understanding about the significance of TVET degrees and how Australian universities have developed strategies to ease the transition from TVET to bachelor degrees in Bangladesh. With this knowledge, we explore ways to enhance the TVET pathways within the HE system of Bangladesh, aiming to provide equal opportunities for students from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds studying in Bangladesh’s Polytechnic institutions. The following section will discuss the methods we employed in this study.

Methods

As it is a qualitative study, it is crucial to deeply comprehend the policy and practices to understand TVET graduates’ pathways to HE in Bangladesh (Creswell, 2012). We follow the critical paradigm, which emphasizes social justice issues (Kivunja & Kuyin, 2017). In particular, this research investigates how national and institutional policies impact TVET graduates’ access to HE in Bangladesh, using Marginson’s concept of HPS. According to Marginson (2018b), HPS is multidimensional and affects various aspects of our lives, including social, economic, cultural, psychological, and political aspects. Marginson emphasizes the importance of state-level agencies and institutions linked to and affected by HPS. Therefore, using a critical perspective helped us analyze national and institutional policies that either facilitate or impede the entry of TVET graduates into HE from a crucial point of view (Kilgore, 1998, cited in Willis, 2007).

We analyzed national education policy documents, including the National Education Commission Report 1974, the Bangladesh National Education Commission Report 1988, the National Education Policy 1997, the National Education Policy 2010, the National Skills Development Policy 2011, and the documents and websites of the relevant Bangladeshi ministries, including the Ministry of Education and Bangladesh Technical Education Board (BTEB) to better understand the processes connected to the pathways of HE for TVET graduates. We analyzed these policy documents because they signify the entry pathways for TVET graduates to HE. The national education policies, for instance, were formulated by the government to outline the objectives, aims, and appropriate pathways for TVET graduates. Additionally, the government formulated the NSDP 2011 to develop the vision and direction of skill development through TVET programs over the coming years. The NSDP policy extends and builds on other national government policies, including the National Education Policy 2010 (Ministry of Education, 2011).

Additionally, we have gathered information from the universities’ documents and websites to check the admission requirements to comprehend the practices better and explore the gap between policy and practices. These university documents and websites included the University of Dhaka, Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), Dhaka Engineering and Technology University (DUET), North South University (NSU) and Daffodil International University. We have also analyzed the admission systems of 27 other public universities (19 general and science and technology-related universities and eight agricultural universities). These universities used two separate cluster admission systems to recruit undergraduate students.

We have used a qualitative content analysis approach to analyze these policy documents, allowing us to gain a deeper theoretical understanding and engage critically with the data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Qualitative content analysis involves using thematic analysis as an analytical tool to search for recurring words or themes in texts (Patton, 2002). In this paper, we utilized this approach to identify the statements, ideas, and concepts related to pathways of TVET graduates in HE present in policy documents. We developed initial themes from the data by categorizing or organizing them topically (Prior, 2011). Then, we modified the initial themes based on our theoretical and critical engagement with data and derived new themes from them. For instance, we came across various critical statements, ideas, and concepts related to pathways of TVET graduates in HE in national policy documents such as ‘TVET degree as a terminal’, ‘meritorious TVET graduates entering HE’, and ‘pathways of TVET graduates in HE’. We developed an initial theme, ‘diverse strategies adopted in national policies for TVET graduates to access HE’. We then modified this initial theme based on our understanding of pathways programs for TVET graduates in HE from the literature. We constructed our first theme, ‘Flexibility: A key to pathways of TVET graduates into HE education articulated in national education policies’. Similarly, while familiarizing ourselves with institutional documents, we observed that statements and ideas such as ‘inferior caliber’, ‘lack of social acceptance of TVET degrees’, and ‘stricter prerequisites to maintain standards’ were more frequent. We generated the initial theme, ‘TVET graduates are undermined by the society and Bangladeshi universities. Then, we modified this initial theme and generated the second theme, ‘Structural barriers to TVET graduates entering HE’. The next part will inform the policy analysis to comprehend the progression of TVET graduates into HE in Bangladesh.

‘Flexibility’: a key to pathways of TVET graduates into HE articulated in national education policies

Since Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, seven national Education Commissions have been formed, each of which has identified the TVET education system as a distinct area of study and has given different weight to the design of the TVET programs (Chowdhury & Kabir, 2014). The first Bangladesh Education Commission (BEC) Report 1974 identified the TVET degrees as terminal, but adopted HE provision for polytechnic graduates (Ministry of Education, 1974). As it is stated in the BEC 1974, ’…this has been made a terminal course and not a preparatory one for the degree level. …Some technicians [TVET diploma graduates] passing out of the polytechnic are really meritorious and fit for higher education’ (Ministry of Education, 1974, p. 53). In analyzing the BEC 1974, it has also been shown that the BEC outlined two pathways for polytechnic graduates to pursue higher education. First, some meritorious polytechnic graduates could be selected for a three-year degree course through a test and then complete a 40-week special preparatory course. Second, polytechnic graduates who complete the polytechnic diploma program with a first division should be eligible to sit for the engineering colleges’ and universities’ undergraduate admission tests (Ministry of Education, 1974, p. 53). So, the intention to provide a pathway for TVET graduates to pursue HE has been there since the first education policy.

Although the first BEC specified how some meritorious diploma graduates could be enrolled in HE, the subsequent analysis of the Bangladesh National Education Commission (BNEC) of 1988 and National Education Policy (NEP) of 1997 has revealed that no explicit policy exited on how diploma holders could continue HE studies what was established in the first BEC (Ministry of Education, 1988, 1997). Instead, the analysis of BNEC of 1988 has indicated that the responsibility was given to universities under the guise of university autonomy. The BNEC report of 1988 stated, ‘The first commission report emphasized the need of creating pathways for TVET graduates in engineering degree in HE … Universities are recognized as autonomous institutions’ (Ministry of Education, 1988, p. 161 & 168). Similarly, without giving any particular policy direction about how to create pathways for TVET graduates in HE, the NEP of 1997 stated, ‘Engineering universities/institutes should provide higher education opportunities for Diploma Engineers and technicians based on the merit and eligibility’ (Ministry of Education, 1997, p. 95).

However, the latest National Education Policy (NEP) 2010 contained a chapter on TVET where the aim and objectives of this stream of education have been discussed quite elaborately. It also stated the need for TVET and how it impacted on our economic development. The NEP explained the need for a skilled workforce to cater to national and international demands, connected with the need to adapt to new technologies in different professions. The NEP also indicated creating new employment by developing skilled labor in various sectors to earn foreign currency. The NEP provided strategies to help achieve the TVET goal. Even though most of the strategies were focused on the secondary level of technical and vocational learning, it also mentioned that there is a pathway for TVET students to attain HE degrees ‘in their desired technical subject’ (Ministry of Education, 2010, p. 24). The NEP also elaborated on many pathways to enter technician and vocational education, which will lead them to enter HE if they wish to. As it is stated in the NEP, ‘Students having technical diplomas will be eligible for admission in Bachelor program of different and relevant courses (such as Engineering, Textiles and Agriculture etc.) through some tests and coordination of credits’ (Ministry of Education, 2010, p. 25). The analysis of NEP has also shown how to develop new infrastructure for offering diploma programs in different trades to create pathways to HE. Following the NEP 2010, the government adopted the first National Skills Development Policy (NSDP) in 2011, resulting from a 20 million US dollar five-year TVET reform project funded by the Government of Bangladesh, the EC, and ILO (Ministry of Education, 2011). It provides the National Training and Vocational Qualifications Framework (NTVQF) for skills levels and their equivalency to vocational education, which all training providers and employers nationally recognize (Kabir & Chowdhury, 2017). As it is illustrated in the NSDP, ‘The Bangladesh Skills Development System will consist of National Technical & Vocational Qualifications Framework; Competency-Based Industry Sector Standards & Qualifications; and Bangladesh Skills Quality Assurance System’ (Ministry of Education, 2011, p. 13). This framework provides a standard national benchmark for identified ‘skill profiles in both domestic and international labor markets’ (Ministry of Education, 2011, p. 14). The analysis of NSDP has also shown that the government aimed to create consistency in naming the credentials and the quality of the certificates by developing NTVQF.

Another critical point was to provide a pathway to increase workers’ knowledge level throughout their working life to support lifelong learning (Ministry of Education, 2011). NTVQF also points out the route to include people who have never had any formal training or education in the framework so that they can achieve the skills needed for the labor market. By doing this, the framework will provide access to these people a second chance to reach HE in the long run if they desire. The analysis of NSDP has also indicated that the BTEB will generate a new system for dual certification for TVET program students, who will get an NTVQF qualification separately from their school qualification. For this dual certification and quality control, all the training providers must align their curriculum with the NTVQF levels to award the qualifications. As it is stated in the NSDP, ‘A new system of dual certification will be introduced so that students who satisfactorily achieve the skills component of vocational education programs such as the SSC (Voc), HSC (Voc) and HSC (BM), will receive a NTVQF qualification in addition to, and separate from, the school qualification’ (Ministry of Education, 2011, p. 15). The implementation and periodic review of the NTVQF were a few of BTEB’s responsibilities under the direction of the National Skill Development Council (NSDC).

The NSDC indicates that NTVQF will be essential in standardizing skills qualification. In NTVQF, the Government is trying to include illiterate people in the job market by providing Pre-voc 1 and 2 training. Pre-vocs 1 and 2 are for illiterate people who must get some primary education to enter the formal training system. From there, they can move on to NTVQF Level 1 (the first stage of accreditation) and then gradually reach the diploma level.

The NEP 2010 and the NSDP 2011 discussed a clear but flexible pathway for TVET graduates to enter HE. In the NEP 2010, the strategies mentioned under TVET clearly say that after finishing primary education (grade VIII), students may choose mainstream education but still opt for six months of training to receive the certificate for NTVQF level-1 or can ultimately enroll in vocational education and finish their secondary education. Once the students finish grade XII, they will complete NTVQF levels 2, 3, and 4, after which they can enroll in a diploma-level program (Kabir & Chowdhury, 2017). However, the NSDP 2011 framework shows that the students must finish NTVQF level 5 to register for NTVQF level 6, a ‘diploma in engineering or equivalent’ (Ministry of Education, 2011, p. 16). So, the two documents are deficient. Kabir and Chowdhury (2017) showed that at least at the policy level, after finishing the diploma program, if students desire, they can move on to a bachelor’s degree in engineering or a technical or professional program (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Education and employment pathways in Bangladesh, adopted from Kabir and Chowdhury (2017).

In NEP 2010, it is also mentioned that students studying in mainstream education can finish their secondary education and enroll in diploma programs. They can later move on to bachelor’s degree programs related to technical subjects through that program (Kabir & Chowdhury, 2017). In a summary, the analysis of the NEP (2010) and NSDP (2011) have shown that there were some flexible avenues for TVET graduates to pursue higher education, reflecting the government’s commitment to enabling a greater number of students to access tertiary education at their discretion.

Structural barriers to TVET graduates entering HE

Despite national education policies articulating the pathway for TVET graduates to HE, Bangladesh’s TVET graduates face significant structural barriers while enrolling in HE. According to Archer (2010, p. 275), structural traits in any society rely on activity. More significantly, local sociocultural, political, and economic contexts and aspects of global governance contribute to the structures of any given society (Edwards & Brehm, 2015; Kabir, 2021). By ‘structures’, we refer to how significant social and state-level organizations perceive TVET graduates and how HE Institutes in Bangladesh thwart TVET graduates from pursuing further education. We provide three examples of structural processes in this subsection: a) The public perceives that TVET graduates are of inferior caliber; b) the state’s agencies view TVET graduates as a cash cow, and courses are solely seen as a means of acquiring technical skills for the labor market, and c) HE institutions fail to recognize the value of TVET courses and its graduates in their curricula.

At the social level in Bangladesh, TVET programs are heavily tainted with the ideology of meritocracy. Many think that TVET students are less competent than those in traditional mainstream educational institutions. According to several studies funded by the BTEB, one of the main issues in Bangladesh is the social and familial acceptance of TVET program graduates (see Maleque et al., 2018, 2022; Siddiquee and Emran, 2018). For instance, a study by Maleque et al. (2018) titled A Study for Enhancing Enrolment and Acceptability of HSC (Vocational) Course revealed that graduates of Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC) vocational programs still struggle to gain social acceptance from family, friends, and employers. Moreover, social recognition varied based on students’ courses. For example, those enrolled in Industrial Woodworking obtained half recognition at home, but those engaged in Electrical Control and Communication received full recognition. Other vocational curricula, such as apparel, garments, and finishing, gave their students ordinary family recognition. Despite differences in the social acceptance of various courses, TVET graduates and instructors felt that TVET diplomas usually had lower social standing than mainstream equivalents. Similarly, Siddiquee and Emran (2018) noted that the societal attitude toward the HSC (Business Management) degree is divided. Parents of students enrolled in HSC (Business Management) courses believe society has a poor view of HSC (Business vocational) graduates and does not consider practical education and training enough for employment. Usually this is connected to respectability and limited access to the desired future prospects (Siddiquee and Emran, 2018).

The Ministry of Education and BTEB, among other state-level organizations, view TVET graduates as nothing more than cash cows who may boost the economy by working for themselves or domestic and international businesses at the end of graduation. The government’s leading initiatives in the TVET sector over the past few years have been to increase student enrolment, create a qualifications framework, raise the sector’s profile nationwide, and conduct research to determine which TVET programs are compatible with local and international standards (Ministry of Education, 2018). To achieve the goals in the TVET sector, the government approved several TVET secondary schools in the public and private sectors, intending to increase enrolment in these institutions to 50% by 2040 and 30% by 2030, respectively, which is now around 17% (BTEB, 2022a). 10856 TVET institutions, including 1,399 diploma-level institutions, 1,998 higher secondary-level institutions, 3,452 secondary-level institutions, 133 lower secondary-level institutions, 3,516 short-course institutions, and 358 other curriculum-level institutions, have been operating with BTEB’s approval up until 2022 (BTEB, 2022a).

Additionally, the BTEB has spent much time researching ways to adapt the curricula of different TVET courses to meet local and international labor market demands while increasing student enrolment and social acceptance of these courses (BTEB, 2023). Since 2016, BTEB has financed 20 research projects, and many of these researchers examined the graduates of TVET regarding employment status and work satisfaction (BTEB, 2022a). Despite the government’s aim to increase the number of TVET institutes and student admissions to 50% within the next 25 years at the secondary level, building HE institutions and pathways policies for TVET graduates is yet to be planned. The way state agencies have designed and implemented their policies and programs suggests that their top priority is ensuring that young Bangladeshis acquire some technology-related skills from TVET institutes and enter the workforce as soon as feasible after graduation. Such perceptions about TVET graduates held by state-level organizations restrict the graduates’ options for pursuing further education.

HE institutions in Bangladesh frequently ignore the significance of TVET graduates in their programs. In Bangladesh, there are more than 150 public and private HE institutions (Kabir & Chowdhury, 2021), yet only a few accept TVET graduates into their bachelor’s programs. A few of the post-tertiary programs offered by TVET institutions are the two-year HSC vocational and HSC in Business Management and Commerce, the four-year Diploma in Engineering and Agriculture, and the two-year Diploma in Commerce. For instance, Polytechnic institutes offer four-year 34 Diplomas in Engineering. Students with secondary school certificates (SSC) can enroll in these courses. The Diploma in Engineering TVET graduates could not enroll in many HE institutions despite completing 14 years of study (10 years for an SSC and four years for a Diploma Certificate). It is interesting to note that none of the top-ranked universities, including the University of Dhaka, BUET, and North South University (NSU), accept graduates with TVET Diplomas in Engineering into their undergraduate programs (see University of Dhaka, 2023; BUET, 2023; North South University, 2023). However, several top-ranked private universities, like NSU, do not accept diplomas from Bangladeshi TVET institutes; instead, they accept ‘US High School Diplomas, IB Diploma program (IB-DP) or equivalent’ graduates in their undergraduate programs (North South University, 2023).

There are concerns about equality and justice for TVET diploma graduates despite a few public and private universities accepting graduates with diplomas in engineering into their undergraduate programs. For instance, one public institution, Dhaka Engineering and Technology University (DUET), accepts TVET Diplomas in Engineering graduates into its undergraduate programs. However, it has different admission standards for them than it does for other graduates. First, despite having attended school for 14 years, graduates of the Diploma in Engineering program must have earned at least 60% of the available points or a three out of four GPA in their four-year diploma program. As it is stated in DUET’s undergraduate program admission circular, ‘Candidates from the Bangladesh Technical and Vocational Education Board must have a minimum average of 60% in their Diploma in Engineering/Architecture or a minimum CGPA of three out of four’ (DUET, 2023). In contrast, HSC graduates from other mainstream education boards who complete a 12-year education must get HSC certificates with a minimum of 50% marks or a GPA of three out of five (DUET, 2023). Similarly, Daffodil International University (DIU) is a private institution that also accepts graduates with diplomas in engineering into their undergraduate programs; however, they have stricter prerequisites than other HSC graduates from the mainstream education system (Daffodil International University, 2023). As it is stated in the DIU undergraduate’s admission circular, ‘Students [mainstream secondary and higher secondary programs] having a minimum 2.5 GPA both in Secondary School Certificate (SSC) and Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC) 12 class passed Equivalent from Science with minimum “C” grade in Physics, Mathematics and English may apply for admission. Students [TVET diploma holders] having a minimum 2.5 GPA both in SSC and Diploma from Civil Engg. and Architecture may apply for admission’ (Daffodil International University, 2023).

A sizable number of universities indicated that they would accept HSC (vocational) graduates into their undergraduate programs; for example, 19 public universities under a cluster admission allow HSC (vocational) graduates in different undergraduate programs (General, Science and Technology [GST], 2023), certain universities’ undergraduate programs do not accept HSC (vocational) graduates. Due to the lack of biology in their vocational HSC courses, for instance, HSC (vocational) graduates are not admitted to eight public agricultural universities (Agricultural Cluster Admission System [ACAS], 2023). Furthermore, graduates of four-year agricultural diploma programs were likewise ineligible for admission to the undergraduate programs of these eight agricultural universities (ACAS, 2023). It is worth mentioning that the HSC vocational course includes a variety of science-related subjects, including advanced mathematics, physics, and chemistry (BTEB, 2022b, 2022c).

Discussion and conclusion

This article critically examines the pathways from TVET to HE in Bangladesh by dissecting the policies and practices. We have argued that the government has taken substantial steps to develop the TVET industry across the pre-tertiary level over the last few decades. These policies and programs, however, were designed to focus on producing skilled labor (Ministry of Education, 2010, 2011). In the neo-liberal world, to survive the rapid expansion of technological growth, it is imperative to ensure access to graduates with TVET credentials to meet domestic and international demands (Marginson, 2017).

In this paper, to analyze, assess, and better comprehend how Bangladesh’s TVET system might increase societal fairness, we have used Marginson’s (2018a, 2018b) concept of the HPS. Marginson (2018a) argued that it is crucial to consider how the distribution of high participation affects HE rather than just concentrating on the overall number of participants. Thus, his interpretation of the HPS underlines the dynamics of the massification of HE (Marginson, 2018b). We identified various issues in TVET sector-related policies and practices in Bangladesh. For instance, the TVET industry is growing by more than 17%; by 2030 and 2040, respectively, it is predicted to rise by 30% and 50%. Based on neoliberal policy ideology, participation in HE has grown over the years in Bangladesh, just like it did in the TVET sector (Kabir & Chowdhury, 2021). In Bangladesh, it is possible to see the enormous rise in HE that Trow refers to as going from the elite to the ‘mass’ (Kabir & Chowdhury, 2021).

According to Marginson (2018b), it is crucial to consider the scope and depth of the rise in HE participation. We have demonstrated that the participation of TVET graduates in HE is merely a blink when assessing the age of massification of HE in Bangladesh. It has been shown that many TVET graduates in Bangladesh have yet to obtain a university degree. For instance, despite having completed 14 years of study (10 years for an SSC and four years for a Diploma Certificate), graduates of Diploma in Engineering TVET programs from Polytechnic institutes could only enroll in some further education institutions. We have also shown that, despite some public and private universities admitting graduates with engineering degrees into their undergraduate programs, there are still concerns regarding equality and justice for TVET graduates.

In the HPS, Marginson (2018a) emphasized the state’s role in reducing the gap between social strata by developing rules, regulations, and policies and improving the relationship between the national society and HE institutions. In the context of Bangladesh, in this research, we have shown that the government has adopted the idea of flexible pathways for TVET to enter HE, as stated in the national education policies. However, the actual implementation of these policies differs from what was stated in these policies, including the BNEC 1974 and NEP 2010 for TVET graduate pathways to HE (Ministry of Education, 2010). Additionally, although policies have provided flexible options for TVET students to enter HE, there is a lack of well-established what Marginson (2018a) calls ‘the relationship between national society and HE institutions’, leading to institutional policies and requirements that hinder students from utilizing these flexibilities.

Marginson (2018a) viewed HPS as a social phenomenon rather than an economically driven one and emphasized the link between education and society to enhance equity in HPS. However, our research has shown a missing element of social phenomenon in the pathways of TVET graduates entering HE. As a result, this has led to structural challenges for TVET students who want to pursue HE. Specifically, we have identified several obstacles that TVET graduates must overcome to enroll in HE. The cultural and institutional impediments to entry included the perceptions of TVET graduates as inferior by society and institutions. The analysis of government programs has revealed that state-level organizations like the Ministry of Education and BTEB view TVET graduates as little more than cash cows who can boost the economy by working for themselves or regional and international businesses. To address this issue, government intervention is crucial, and as Marginson (2016b) stressed, the collaboration of state and non-state institutions to work together. University systems in Bangladesh still need to recognize the value of TVET graduates. It has demonstrated concerns with equity and justice for these graduates; although certain public and private universities accept graduates with Diplomas in Engineering into their undergraduate programs, more is needed to ensure equity and justice for the TVET graduates.

Bangladesh’s TVET programs are diverse, like the Australian situation, and TVET providers operating under the BTEB offer a variety of pre-tertiary courses. Many Polytechnic institutes provide four-year Diplomas in 34 Engineering subjects, in addition to the two-year HSC (vocational) and HSC in Business Management and Commerce offered by numerous vocational schools and colleges. An eight-level NTVQF was also adopted by the government of Bangladesh for the TVET sector (ILO, 2012). Conversely, unlike the Australian AQF, the HE sector is not included in the Bangladeshi NTVQF as expected from the NSDP. To achieve HPS, it is critical to develop an aligned system where the graduates are provided mass-level access to progress to HE (Marginson, 2016b).

However, Bangladesh’s university admissions procedures differ significantly from those in Australia. First, students who complete their HSC with a respectable GPA within a specific year are subjected to rigorous undergraduate admission tests at Bangladeshi universities. Second, universities in Bangladesh only accept diploma-level certificates or prior learning. Third, institutional migrations are only sometimes possible in Bangladeshi universities, though internal disciplinary migrations within a university are occasionally possible. For instance, a sociology student might switch to studying political science within the same university within a specific time frame (Kabir, 2023). Fourthly, although most universities permit HSC vocational students who meet the minimum GPA and other requirements to take the competitive undergraduate admission tests to be admitted to undergraduate programs, universities are hesitant to accept graduates with four-year diplomas in 34 engineering courses from various Polytechnic Colleges. All these issues are hindering equity and societal justice among the youth from underprivileged and underrepresented groups (Marginson, 2017).

A critical takeaway from the Australian TVET and HE sectors is to use various methods developed by universities, such as UTS and Western Sydney University, to accredit TVET degrees that can be localized in the Bangladeshi context. This is especially important when considering Bangladeshi universities’ autonomy and other academic aspects. For example, the government created the University Grants Commission (UGC) and BTEB to oversee the HE and TVET sectors, respectively (Ahmed, 2022; Kabir, 2020; Kabir & Greenwood, 2017; Kabir & Webb, 2018; Kabir & Chowdhury, 2021). To facilitate the transition of graduates with Diplomas in Engineering into universities, the government can develop a partnership between Universities and Polytechnic Institutes through UGC and BTEB (Marginson, 2018; Naziz, 2019). A different article may be written to examine the nature of this partnership in the local setting. However, the lesson about universities’ acknowledgment of the value of a diploma degree by Australian universities could be helpful in the Bangladeshi context that can increase what Marginson (2018a) argues for HPS in HE and guarantee equity for students from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds in Polytechnic institutions.

In conclusion, in this paper, we have focused on two aspects – the pathways of TVET graduates in HE and how to improve HPS related to equity for TVET graduates in Bangladesh. By analyzing the policy discrepancies in national and institutional education policies in Bangladesh, we have argued that TVET pathways programs should be considered a social phenomenon. We have emphasized the need to build associations between universities, the government, and society to help increase the scope and depth of TVET pathway programs in Bangladesh. We have also identified lessons from the Australian TVET and HE pathways setting that could be applied locally to attain HPS related to equity in Bangladesh. We have demonstrated that, even though these two systems and circumstances differ in governance, economy, and sociocultural and political context, the Bangladeshi government, universities, and society can all benefit from learning about the Australian TVET graduates’ routes to HE to advance the HPS in Bangladesh. One important lesson was to collaborate with TVET institutions and universities to create a framework for TVET diploma degrees in universities. Given that the HPS is multifaceted and has an impact on our social, economic, cultural, psychological, and political spheres of existence (Marginson, 2018a), the Bangladeshi government, TVET agencies, and universities need to implement the HPS to address the issues posed by neoliberalism in Bangladesh.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).