A nation under attack: perceptions of enmity and victimhood in the context of the Greek crisis

ABSTRACT

The economic crisis signifies a turning point for Greek national self-image. The present paper explores the ideological function of interpretative repertoires in relation to the reproduction and contestation of national identity. We focus on two basic repertoires: a victimizing and a self-blaming one. Even though connotations of victimhood are not homogenous, its association with an external enemy is very popular. This paper demonstrates that discourses of victimization are not unambiguous and solidified; they interact with self-blaming discursive patterns, thus leading to hybrid perceptions of the national self-image that are adjusted to particular political actors’ strategies.

KEYWORDS:

• Greece
• economic crisis
• nationalism
• anti-German attitudes
• interpretive repertoires
• austerity

Notes on contributors

Zinovia Lialiouti is a researcher at Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, Greece and a research fellow at the Institute for Historical Research, National Research Foundation. She holds a Ph.D. from the Department of Politics and History, Panteion University, Athens. The title of her thesis is Greek anti-Americanism, 1947-1989. She has published papers on the phenomenon of anti-Americanism, American studies, Cold War culture, as well as the study of political discourse and Greek political culture.

Giorgos Bithymitris holds a Ph.D. in Union Movement Strategies, from Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, Department of Social Policy. His current research interests focus on union movement theory, strike events and industrial disputes, organized interests, ideology, and framing processes in the context of crisis. He has published academic articles and book chapters on Greek unionism, public discourse in the context of economic crisis, employment relations, etc. He is currently a postdoctoral research fellow at the Centre for Political Research, Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences.

Notes

1 For example, in the 2001 Eurobarometer survey (EB 55, spring 2001) support for the single currency in Greece scored 72% compared to 59% EU average. The most popular answers the Greeks gave to the question «What does the EU mean to you personally?» were ‘freedom of movement’ (49%), ‘the Euro’ (44%) and peace (43%). Available at http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb55/eb55_en.htm (viewed 25 February 2014).

In the following year (EB 57, spring 2002), support for the single currency rose to 80% (EU average: 67%). Available at http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb57/eb57_en.htm (viewed 25 February 2014). Even though support for the Euro dropped in the following years after Greece's accession to the EMU – reaching a low point in 2005 (49%) (EB 63, spring 2005) – it remained at high levels. Available at http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb63/eb63_en.htm (viewed 25 February 2014).

2 It is also worth considering the opposing conceptualization between Simitis' phrase and the slogan of ‘small but honest Greece’ which was raised against Venizelos' expansionist policy in Asia Minor at the beginning of the twentieth century by his political opponents. See Smith (1998, p. 153). The slogan exceeded this specific context and was incorporated in the Greek political and everyday discourse as an element of national self-image.

3 In the context of post-1989 developments in the Balkan region, the People's Republic of Macedonia (Skopje) declared its independence from the Yugoslav Federation in 1991. This triggered an intense diplomatic conflict with Greece who refused to recognize the new state insofar as it used the term ‘Macedonia’. Greece perceived the creation of the new state in its Northern borders as a security threat but also as a threat to its cultural and national identity. After a series of diplomatic battles an interim agreement was signed by Greece and the Former Yugoslavic Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in 1995. Despite the attainment of a compromise between the two countries, the issue has not been completely resolved to this day.

4 After a series of negotiations, the Eurozone countries and the IMF agreed on a bailout agreement and Greece undertook the obligation to implement harsh austerity policies and to carry out structural reforms (May 2010). However, the deep recession of the Greek economy that followed led to a second bailout loan and to a restructuring of the Greek debt (October 2011). The second bailout plan extends from 2012 to 2014. The terms of the bailout agreements provoked a series of political crises, as a result of which Papandreou was forced to resign in November 2011 and a coalition government was formed under Loukas Papadimos. It took two parliamentary elections in 2012 before a new coalition government was formed in June 2012.

5 The bailout agreements were coined the term ‘memoranda’ in the Greek public debate. Thus, those opposed to the agreements formed the so-called ‘anti-memorandum camp’, while their defenders constitute the ‘pro-memorandum’ bloc.

6 Jeffrey M. Bale explains in a very convincing way why conspiracy theories thrive among the most vulnerable and powerless social strata:

[ … ] conspiracy theories help to make complex patterns of cause and effect in human affairs more comprehensible by means of reductionism and oversimplification. Second, they purport to identify the underlying source of misery and injustice in the world, thereby accounting for current crises and upheavals and explaining why bad things are happening to good people or vice versa. Third, by personifying that source they paradoxically help people to reaffirm their own potential ability to control the course of future historical developments [ … ] In short, a belief in conspiracy theories helps people to make sense out of a confusing, inhospitable reality, rationalize their present difficulties and partially assuage their feelings of powerlessness'. (Bale, 2007, pp. 50–51)

See also, Sapountzis and Condor (2013).

7 This argument was made in the context of an article by Alexis Tsipras published by the German newspaper Neues Deutschland. Parts of the article were translated and reproduced by the Greek media on 21 October 2012. Available at http://www.tanea.gr/news/greece/article/4761805/?iid=2 (viewed 1 August 2013).

8 The photo had been taken by the famous Greek photographer Costas Balafas (1920–2011) and had not been published during his lifetime. Balafas had donated his archive to the Benaki Museum. In December 2012 the Museum uploaded the picture in facebook and twitter.

9 A powerful, though not isolated, conspiracy theory was disseminated by the neo-nazi party Golden Dawn in the aftermath of the imprisonment of some of its MPs and leading executives accused of criminal activities. According to the official website of the party: ‘Zionists asked for the political persecution of the Golden Dawn and their miserable servant the prime minister Antonis Samaras followed the orders'. Available at http://www.xryshaygh.com/index.php/enimerosi/view/apothewsh-samara-apo-tous-ebraious-entoleis-tou-gia-tis-politikes-diwjeis-t (viewed 15 February 2014).