PR must die: spin, anti‐spin and political public relations in the UK, 1997–2004

Abstract

This essay critically assesses the “demonology of spin” which has dominated British political journalism, and academic writing on public relations since the rise of New Labour in the 1990s. It reviews the history of British political public relations (PR), and traces the emergence of journalistic hostility to the professional communication practices of New Labour in government. This “demonology” is viewed in the context of the professional rivalry born of mutual interdependence between PR practitioners and political journalists, and assessed as an inevitable consequence of that competition. While arguing for ethical constraints on both PR and journalistic professionals, the article concludes that an adversarial relationship between both groups is an important safeguard against the excesses of either.

Keywords:

• Political Journalism
• Public Relations
• Spin
• New Labour

Notes

The Guardian newspaper was involved for much of 1996 in a legal dispute with then‐Conservative MP Neil Hamilton over his alleged receipt of cash in return for asking parliamentary questions on behalf of private interests. Hamilton's co‐litigant was the lobbyist Ian Greer who, like Hamilton, denied any impropriety. The case became axiomatic of political sleaze under the Tories, and seriously damaged the reputation of political lobbyists.

The end of Tony Blair's “honeymoon” period in office is generally acknowledged to have been the revelations that motor racing magnate Bernie Ecclestone had donated £1 million to the Labour Party prior to its 1997 election victory, a donation which drew criticism when it emerged that New Labour's promised ban on tobacco advertising in sport would not apply to motor racing.

The scandal which engulfed Cherie Blair (and thus the government) in December 2002 when it was reported that a property transaction conducted by the Blairs had involved convicted Australian conman Peter Foster, to whom Cherie Blair had been introduced by her friend Carole Caplin. As this article went to press, Foster was again in the news alleging an intimate relationship between Caplin and Tony Blair, although most commentators dismissed the claim as an attempt to drum up publicity for his forthcoming book on the Cheriegate affair.

For nearly two weeks the tale of Cherie Blair's unfortunate association with convicted Australian conman Peter Foster dominated news headlines in the UK. Much of the coverage focused on the failures of the Downing Street information machine to contain the story.

For a sympathetic account of Livingstone's GLC campaign, see Myers (1986).

These setbacks did not, fortunately, negate the considerable progress made by the various parties towards a united Ireland, progress which would have been inconceivable without sophisticated, highly managed political communication from all sides.

Clause 4 of Labour's constitution declared that one of the Party's aims was “To secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible upon the basis of the common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange, and the best obtainable system of popular and control of each industry or service”.

Martin Linton's lecture and paper, ‘Was it the Sun Wot Won it?’, published in 1995, was a fascinating attempt to assess the relationship between the degree of editorial support received by a party, and the size of its popular vote in a general election.

Quoted in an interview with Steve Richards (1996).

From the interim report of the Government Communication Review Group, chaired by Bob Phillis, published 27 August 2003.