Gender and post-conflict civil society

Abstract

Women have historically participated in revolutionary/liberation movements. A consensus among scholars working in the field suggests that once the broader aims of the movement have been achieved, women's public role and the concern for gender differentiated interests diminish in the post-conflict society. The aim of this study is to apply this hypothesis using the case study of Eritrea. Eritrea offers an opportunity to study a modern, successful revolutionary movement that relied heavily upon women's contributions both as support personnel and as front-line soldiers. Preliminary evidence suggests that Eritrea is following the pattern of many other post-conflict societies. Several questions are addressed here: Does the hypothesis which suggests women's participation is welcomed during a revolutionary struggle, but discouraged in post-conflict society, hold true in the Eritrean case? What role did women play in Eritrean independence and what role do they currently play? Have the reforms enacted by the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) carried forward under the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)? What role does women's inclusion play in creating a viable civil society? How has the generational aspect of women's military service affected society's overall perception of women?

Keywords:

• civil society
• Eritrea
• gender
• human rights
• post-conflict
• women

Notes

1. Feudal and semi-feudal classifications are general and do not account for the vast differences between the various cultures within Eritrea. According to Favoli and Pateman (2003), the various ethnic groups represent vast differences in terms of civil codes and to some extent the roles females played and their ascribed value within these groups. For example, civic codes regarding marriage and divorce differed across these cultures. While a geographically small country, Eritrea is host to several different ethnic and cultural groups each with distinctive religious and cultural practices.

2. This study draws primarily on secondary sources, including government and non-government publications, which contain data on the number of women in government positions, types of positions, number of women active currently in the military and positions held, along with additional demographic data, as available, including access to education, divorce rates, domestic violence figures, child care accessibility and land reform efforts. In addition, primary source material, including from interviews with former combatants, government officials and others, is also used. The author spent the summer of 2002 in Eritrea conducting interviews.

3. Please see West and Blumberg's (1990) study of gender and social protest, Liao's (1990) study of women in the Tiaping movement in China, Lobao's (1990) study of women in Latin American liberation struggles, Phizacklea et al.'s (1992) work on women in the Soviet Union, Easter Europen and China, Fisher's (1993) work on women's participation in anti-authoritarian struggles in Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and Argentina and Nategh's (1987) study of women's role in the Iranian revolution. For more discussion regarding why women participate in revolutionary/ liberation movements, please see Callaway (1987), Avarez (1990), West and Blumberg (1990), Mason (1992), Jaquette (1994), Twagiramariya and Turshen (1998).

4. Like Eritrea's renewed war with Ethiopia (1998–2000), Nicaragua's post-revolutionary war against US sponsored contras prevented the immediate demobilization of troops and required a continued role for women in defense of the country. Because of the similarities between Nicaragua and Eritrea, a comparative study may offer some further insight into the impact of protracted and multi-generational female mobilization on post-conflict civil society.

5. According to Bariagaber (1998), the split between the ELF and EPLF can be attributed to the role of religion. Bariagaber argues that the ELF was portrayed as primarily an Arab/Muslim group, while the EPLF argued it spoke for all Eritreans and split its leadership between Christians and Muslims, while also trying to be inclusive of the various ethnic identities in Eritrea. Eritrea is evenly divided between Christians and Muslims. Iyob (1999) also provides an overview of the origins of the various revolutionary movements and the role of religion. She concurs with Bariagaber's assessment of the ELF with regard to its attitudes toward Christians.

6. For an overview of the self-reliant system established by the EPLF see Firebrace and Holland (1985).

7. When Eritrea gained its official independence in 1993, the border dispute was arbitrated before the Boundary Commission at the Hague and a decision favoring Eritrea's position vis- à-vis demarcation of the border with Ethiopia was handed down. It is unclear whether Ethiopia accepts the decision. The Ethiopian government's request for another commission has already been rejected by UN Security Council. Demarcation was due to begin in October 2003, but has been delayed.

8. The Eritrean Constitution can be found at http://unpan1.ur.org/introdoc/groups/public/documents/cafrad/unpan004659.pdf

9. For a more complete discussion of Eritrea's human rights record please see Cobb (2002), Amnesty International Annual reports for 2002 through 2004 and Reporters without Borders (2002).

10. For more information please see Grundfest-Schoepf (1992), Campbell (1998) and Gordon (2001).

11. According to Hatch (2000):

• there's a popular Eritrean song I've heard while I've been traveling. The lyrics sound like ‘shubo lega shubo’ … [i]t means be brave … [w]e say this when you send the bride to her husband's house … or when you send someone to battle.

12. For interviews with various EPLF women regarding the role of education in changing their lives see Papstein (1990).

13. South African women who were imprisoned during Apartheid relate similar experiences. Former female prisoners testified before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) that the male guards became frustrated when they couldn't break the female prisoners. The fact that women could withstand intense torture seemed to baffle and anger the male guards. This, the women believe, made the male guards even more hostile and cruel to their female prisoners. See Campbell (2000) for more on women and the TRC.

14. The Eritrean Constitution can be found at http://unpan1.un.org/introdoc/groups/public/documents/cafrad/unpan004654.pdf

15. I met with many Eritrean young women in Asmara who repeated these charges and indicated their plans to try to get married, hide or leave the country, in order to escape conscription. I also spoke with many young men who were interested in leaving the country rather than being conscripted.