The Situation of the Portuguese Court and Royal Household under the first Monarch of the House of Austria (1581–1598)

Abstract

With the death of King Sebastian in the battle of Alcácer Quibir (4 August 1578), an unsteady period began for the Portuguese crown, as his successor, his uncle, the Cardinal-King Henry, was already of advanced years. The period, known as the ‘Portuguese succession crisis’, began with Philip II claiming the Portuguese crown, aiming to fulfil a dream longed for since the times of Alfonso V of Portugal and John II of Castile in the mid-fifteenth century. Within this context, for a significant part of the Portuguese elites the integration of their crown into the Spanish Monarchy was the best option, so as to maintain and strengthen the political organization and integration of the kingdom by means of the royal household. This article analyses the debates in Madrid on the maintenance, or not, of the Portuguese Royal Household after 1580, as well as the process of its maintenance and consolidation by Philip II, who aimed to follow the principles included in the Statutes of Tomar (1581) which regulated the succession.

Notes

1 This article has been funded as part of the Grupo de Excelencia de la URJC: ‘La Configuración de la Monarquía Hispana a través del sistema cortesano (siglos XIII-XIX): organización política e institucional, lengua y cultura’ (GE-2014-020), and the research project of the Spanish MINECO ‘La reconfiguración de los espacios cortesanos: los Sitios Reales’ (HAR 2012-37308-C05-02).

2 Jean-Frédéric Schaub, Portugal na Monarquía Hispánica (1580-1640) (Lisbon, 2001).

3 Mafalda Soares da Cunha, ‘A questão jurídica na crise dinástica’, in Joaquim Romero Magalhães (ed.), No Alvorecer da Modernidade (1480-1620) (Lisbon, 1993), vol. III, pp. 552-9.

4 Alfonso Dánvila y Burguero, Diplomáticos Españoles. Don Cristóbal de Moura, primer Marqués de Castel Rodrigo (1538-1613) (Madrid, 1900); and Felipe II y la sucesión de Portugal (Madrid, 1956).

5 Luciano Pereña Vicente, ‘El arbitraje internacional y la conquista de Portugal’, Revista Española de Derecho Internacional, vol. VIII, nos 1-2 (1955), pp. 105-65; Agostino Borromeo, ‘La Santa Sede y la candidatura de Felipe II al trono de Portugal’, in Congreso Internacional las Sociedades Ibéricas y el mar a finales del siglo XVI. T. V. El área atlántica. Portugal y Flandes (Madrid, 1998), pp. 41-58.

6 Javier Suárez Inclán, Guerra de anexión en Portugal durante el reinado de Felipe II (Madrid, 1897-98); Santiago Fernández Conti, ‘La Junta militar de Portugal, 1578-1580’, in José Martínez Millán, Pablo Fernández Albaladejo and Virgilio Pinto Crespo (eds), Política, religión e Inquisición en la España Moderna (Madrid, 1996), pp. 287-308; Rafael Valladares, La conquista de Portugal. Violencia militar y comunidad política en Portugal, 1578–1583 (Madrid, 2008).

7 See among others, Rita Costa Gomes, A corte dos reis de Portugal no final da idade Média (Linda-a-Velha, 1995), pp. 24-37; and Susannah Charlton Humble, ‘From Royal Household to Royal Court: A Comparison of the Development of the Courts of Henry VII of England and D. Manuel of Portugal’ (PhD dissertation, The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 2003), pp. 26-7.

8 For a general view of the position of the royal household and the early modern state, see José Martínez Millán, ‘Introducción’, in José Martínez Millán and Santiago Fernández Conti (eds), La Monarquía de Felipe II: la casa del rey (Madrid, 2005), vol. I, pp. 17-21; Walter Ullmann, Principios de gobierno y política en la edad Media (Madrid, 1985), pp. 121-54; and Richard J. Bonney, The European Dynastic States, 1494-1660 (Oxford, 1991).

9 António Manuel Hespanha, As vésperas do Leviatam: instituições e poder político em Portugal-século XVII (Coimbra, 1994), p. 228; Cortes portuguesas: reinado de D. Manuel, ed. João José Alves Dias (Lisbon, 2002), p. 179.

10 Chrónica de dom João II e Miscelánea, ed. Joaquim Veríssimo Serrão (Lisbon, 1973), p. 377.

11 Rita Costa Gomes, ‘A curialização da Nobreza’, in Diogo Curto Ramada (ed.), O tempo de Vasco da Gama (Lisbon, 1998), pp. 179-89.

12 A fundamental study about the situation of these groups at the court in Madrid is José Martínez Millán and Carlos J. De Carlos Morales (eds), Felipe II (1527–1598). La configuración de la Monarquía Hispana (Salamanca, 1998). For the various preparations for the incorporation of Portugal, see among others: Dánvila, Felipe II y la Sucesión de Portugal; Erasmo Buceta, ‘Relación de la Junta convocada por Felipe II el 24 de febrero de 1579 para tratar de su pretensión a la Corona de Portugal’, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, 98-II (1931), pp. 655-64; Ronald Cueto, ‘1580 and all that…: Philip II and the Politics of the Portuguese Succession’, Portuguese Studies, 8 (1992), pp. 150-69; and Carlos José Margaça Veiga, A agregação da Corona de Portugal à de Castela. Aspectos da estratégia de Filipe II, (Lisbon, 1990).

13 Archivo General de Simancas [henceforth AGS], E, leg. 160 (n.d.). See also Ana Paula Torres Megiani, O Rei ausente. Festa e cultura política nas visitas dos Filipes a Portugal (1581 e 1619) (São Paulo, 2004).

14 The child Dom Miguel was living in Castile as he was heir to both Castile and Aragon, as well as Portugal. Known as ‘Miguel de la Paz’, he was the son of the Portuguese king Manuel I and of Isabel, the eldest daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. Born in Zaragoza in 1498, he died in Granada in 1500. Published in As gavetas da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon, 1963), vol. III, pp. 4-7.

15 De Moura, later created first Marquis of Castelo Rodrigo, though Portuguese-born, had long been one of the most notable advocates of the interests of Philip II in Portugal, and was one of the main architects of the integration of the Portuguese Crown within the Spanish monarchy and the great favourite of the King during these years. He understood perfectly the mechanisms of power in Portugal and the central role to be played by the Royal Household in the integration of the political elites of the Kingdom. On this intriguing figure, see Santiago Martínez Hernández, ‘D. Cristóvão de Moura e a casa dos marqueses de Castelo Rodrigo. Proposta de investigação e linhas de análise sobre a figura do grande privado de D. Filipe I’, in Governo, política e representações do poder no Portugal Habsburgo e nos seus territorios ultramarinos (1581-1640) (Lisbon, 2011), pp. 69-96; and the classic study by Alfonso Dánvila y Burguero, Diplómaticos españoles. Don Cristóbal de Moura, primer marqués de Castel Rodrigo (1538-1613) (Madrid, 1900).

16 AGS, E, leg. 418, n.d.

17 Ibid., leg. 409, no 304.

18 Monsignor Caligari wrote to Cardinal Como, Secretary of State to Gregory XIII, informing him that King Sebastian would not be able to keep his promise to fight the Turks owing to the dire economic situation in the kingdom, which was also ravaged by an outbreak of the plague, decimating the population. José de Castro, D. Sebastião e D. Henrique (Lisbon, 1942), p. 88.

19 According to Juan del Monte's report to the Papal Secretary of State, Cardinal Como, an anonymous account stated that when the Cardinal-King sent the proposal to leave Philip II as his successor at the Cortes of Almeirim, the nobility and the high clergy praised the proposition. Archivio Segreto Vaticano, SS, Portugal, vol. 3, fol. 103. For further information, see Félix Labrador Arroyo, La casa real en Portugal (1581–1621) (Madrid, 2009), pp. 14-19.

20 Carlos Margaça Veiga, Poder e poderes na crise sucessória portuguesa (1578-1581) (Lisbon, 1999).

21 AGS, E, leg. 418, no 162.

22 Biblioteca Nacional de España [henceforth BNE], MS. 10.249, fol. 44r.

23 Garcia de Resende, Crónica dos valerosos e insignes feitos del rey dom João II (Lisbon, 1622), fols. 133-42v.

24 These religious orders did not favour the union of the crowns and the point of these preachers was to try and redress the situation. Letter written by Father Porres to Mercurián, 26 April 1579, Archivium Romanun Societatis Iesu, Hisp. 127, fol. 188. For the role of these orders in opposing Philip's rule from the pulpits, see José Francisco Marques, A Parenética portuguesa e a dominação filipina (Porto, 1986).

25 AGS, E, leg. 418, no. 162; and BNE. MS. 10.249, fols 37r-44v. See on these figures, Martínez Millán and De Carlos Morales (eds), Felipe II.

26 Carlos Riba García, ‘El viaje de Felipe II a Portugal (1580–83)’, in Estudios eruditos in memoriam de Adolfo Bonilla y San Martín (1875–1926) (Madrid, 1930), vol. II, p. 190.

27 Diario de Hans Khevenhüller, embajador imperial en la corte de Felipe II, ed. Félix Labrador Arroyo (Madrid, 2001), p. 223.

28 BNE, MS. 10.249, fols. 37-9.

29 See, among others, Costa Gomes, A corte dos reis de Portugal.

30 Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal [henceforth BNP], Pombalina, 653, fol. 444v.

31 Armando de Castro, ‘A economia da expansão ultramarina’, in José Hermano Saraiva (ed.), História de Portugal (Lisbon, 1982), vol. IV, pp. 242ff; Joaquim Romero Magalhães, ‘A Fazenda’, in José Mattoso (ed.), História de Portugal. Vol. IV. O Alvorecer da Modernidade (1480-1620) (Lisbon, 1993), pp. 90-105; as well as Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, ‘Finanças públicas e estructura do Estado’, in Ensaios. II. Sobre História de Portugal (Lisbon, 1978), pp. 56ff.

32 ‘It is a pity to see the King accompanied by children and the aged, because the men are serving against the Moors leaving Portugal without noblemen’. Veiga, Poder e poderes na crise sucessória portuguesa , vol. I, p. 228.

33 AGS, E, leg. 403, fols. 138 and 140.

34 Ibid., leg. 416, fol. 203.

35 Avisos do Céu. Sucessos de Portugal (Lisbon, 1723; original edition, 1630), p. 40.

36 This person compared Dom António with Luther because his triumph would have caused the end of Catholic Church in Portugal. AGS, PR, leg. 51, no. 1.

37 Sebastião Tavares de Pinho, ‘D. Jerónimo Osório e a crise sucessória de 1580: em torno da Defensio sui Nominis, da Carta Notable e de outros documentos afins’, Hvmanitas, XLIII-XLIV (1993), pp. 305-31.

38 See Eugenio Asensio, ‘España en la épica portuguesa del tiempo de los Felipes (1580-1640). Al margen de un libro de Hernani Cidade’, in Estudios Portugueses (París, 1974), p. 484; and Joaquín Smet, O.C., Los carmelitas. Historia de la Orden del Carmen. III. Las reformas. Personas, literatura, arte (1563-1750) (Madrid, 1991), pp. 217, 220-21.

39 Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Portugal en la Monarquía Hispánica (1580–1640). Felipe II, las Cortes de Tomar y la génesis del Portugal Católico (Madrid, 1987), pp. 207-320.

40 See the account kept in AGS, CJH, leg. 172, file 25. See also, José Martínez Millán, ‘La integración de las elites ciudadanas castellanas en la monarquía a través de la casa real’, in Martínez Millán and Fernández Conti (eds), La Monarquía de Felipe II, vol. I, pp. 645-97.

41 British Library, Add. 28.361, fol. 10. See also Luis Robledo Estaire, ‘La estructura de las casas reales: Felipe II como punto de encuentro y punto de partida’, in Luis Robledo Estaire, Tess Knighton, Cristina Bordas Ibáñez and Juan José Carreras, Aspectos de la cultura musical en la corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 2000), pp. 15-22.

42 Epistolario del III duque de Alba. Don Fernando Álvarez de Toledo (Madrid, 1952), vol. III, pp. 652-3, 657-8, 671-2; Carlos Riba García, Correspondencia privada de Felipe II con su secretario Mateo Vázquez, 1567–1591 (Madrid, 1959), pp. 221-3.

43 BNE, MS. 1080. The result of Sigoney's work is published in José Martínez Millán (ed), La corte de Carlos V (Madrid, 2000), vol. V, pp. 179-211.

44 AGS, E, leg. 418, no 163.

45 An analysis of this process in the household of Aragon is found in Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘La corte del emperador y el gobierno de la Corona de Aragón’, in Martínez Millán, La corte de Carlos V, vol. II, pp. 52-3.

46 AGS, E, leg. 418, no 163.

47 Ibid., no 165.

48 In Elvas, on 14 January 1581, the King commanded Duarte de Castelo-Branco to bring forward the building work in the Ribeira Palace in Lisbon, in accordance with Filippo Terzi's orders, thus beginning an architectural programme in which the palace tower was the outstanding feature. Biblioteca da Ajuda [henceforth BA], Cod. 49-X-1, fol. 299r. See also Annemarie Jordan, ‘The Torreão of the Lisbon Palace and the Escorial Library: An Artistic and Iconographic Interpretation’, Arquivos do Centro Cultural Portugues, 22 (1986), pp. 25-114; and Nuno Senos, ‘“Na esperança de vossa real presença desejada”: El arte y un poder ausente en la Lisboa filipina, 1580–1640’, Reales Sitios, 158 (2003), pp. 49-61.

49 For the Portuguese who formed part of the Royal Households in Castile and the reasons for this, see Labrador Arroyo, La casa real, pp. 480-507.

50 The document can be found in Francisco Ribeiro da Silva (ed.), Filipe II de Espanha, rei de Portugal (Colectânea de documentos filipinos guardados em arquivos portugueses) (Zamora, 2002), vol. I, p. 86.

51 Archivo Histórico Nacional [henceforth AHN], Various. Colección Diplomática, leg. 285-5-61.

52 See Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Felipe II y el Portugal dos Povos. Imágenes de esperanza y revuelta (Valladolid, 2010), pp. 52-5. This discontent was also reflected in the literature of the time; for example, Miguel de Cervantes: La Galatea and Los tratos de Argel. See Antonio Rey Hazas, ‘Cervantes frente a Felipe II: pastores y cautivos contra la anexión de Portugal’, Príncipe de Viana, annex 18 (2000), pp. 239-60.

53 Sister of John III. See Carla Alferes Pinto, O mecenato da infanta D. Maria de Portugal (1521-1577) (Lisbon, 1996).

54 Moura wrote to Philip II on 2 September 1578 that after the appointment of Francisco de Sá de Meneses as Lord Chamberlain, King Henry soon would change all the offices of the Royal Household. Cited in CODOIN [Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España] (Madrid, 1862), 40, p. 145.

55 Moura wrote to Philip II on 8 September that he found the Court a changed place. There was previously a youthful king with young and inexperienced advisors and now there was an aged king. Cited in Dánvila, Felipe II y la sucesión de Portugal, p. 15.

56 ‘…el rei mori, perdessi l'esercito; mutossi nuovo stato, nuovi condizione; alterazione d'ogni negozio; svanimento d'ogni disegno’. Lettere corrette, accresciute e dichiarate com note aggiuntavila vita de Francesco Ferrucci scritta del medesimo Sasseti (Milan, 1886).

57 Cited in Veiga, Poder e poderes, I, p. 226. The Papal Collector was in charge of collecting the income due to properties of the Holy Church. Throughout the union of the crowns, this task was performed by the Apostolic Nuncio.

58 BA, 51-VI-35, fol. 287r.

59 The Romans called this post the comes castrenses. They had considerable economic influence connected with the Treasury. On top of that, they were in charge of guarding the most valuable objects of the Royal Chamber, although they lost power over time to the Lord Chamberlain.

60 Without being a judge, he had jurisdiction over various provincial territorial judges; in particular, only he had the authority to arrest people of high standing. His duties also included collecting certain royal emoluments. BA, 49-X-1, fol. 299r.

61 His functions included keeping the court supplied with provisions wherever it happened to be. He was also responsible for health in the towns, the control of weights and measures and setting the prices of products. Ordenações Manuelinas, ed. Mário Júlio de Almeida Costa (Lisbon, 1984), vol. I, pp. 113-39.

62 For these and other prominent figures mentioned in this article, see the biographical appendix in Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real en Portugal.

63 Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais Torre do Tombo [henceforth IANTT], Chancelaria de D. Filipe I, Doações, book 28, fol. 127.

64 Ibid., book 4, fol. 321r.

65 He only received confirmation of this post on 16 May 1586. Ibid., book 3, fol. 95v; book 8, fol. 256r. It was a high military rank which arose with the expansion in North Africa, with a more symbolic than real value.

66 For this prominent figure, see Fernando Bouza Álvarez, ‘Corte es decepción. Don Juan de Silva, conde de Portalegre’, in José Martínez Millán (ed.), La corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 1994), pp. 451-501.

67 Letter from Juan de Silva to Secretary Zayas on 16 October 1580. AGS, E, leg. 418, no. 162. The Cardinal-King had left orders to his successors that they should assume the payment of the wages and rewards received even if the officers of the household did not serve the new sovereign directly. IANTT, Chancelaria de D. Filipe I, Doações, book 4, fol. 336v.

68 BA, 50-V-26, no. 2a, fols. 31v-34v.

69 In the latter's reply of 12 September, his recommendation was that even though drafting new regulations on wages would bring a lot of difficulties in its wake, it would be a good idea to do so. IANTT, Corpo Cronológico, 1ª parte, maço 112, doc. 28.

70 This evolution can be followed in Gomes, A corte dos reis de Portugal; and Félix Labrador Arroyo, ‘A função integradora da Casa Real portuguesa de D. João I a Filipe I (1385–1598)’, in Martínez Hernández (ed.), Governo, política e representações do poder em Portugal, pp. 21-44.

71 José Augusto Alegria, História da capela e colegios dos Santos Reis da Vila Viçosa (Lisbon, 1983), pp. 17, 41-2. These regulations are published in IANTT, Col. São Vicente, vol. 23, fols. 115-40.

72 ‘La orden que S.M. ha de tener en la jornada a Portugal’, BNE, Ms. 10.249, fol. 37.

73 BA, 49-X-1, fol. 255r.

74 Sebastian's Counsellor of State and bishop of the Algarve. António Caetano de Sousa, História Genealógica da Casa Real Portuguesa (Coimbra, 1947) (reprint of 18^th-century original), vol. III, p. 363.

75 AGS, SP. Portugal, book 1455, fol. 56r.

76 IANTT, Leis, maço. 3, doc. 17, fol. 4r-v.

77 For what follows, our research team consulted an eighteenth-century copy in the BNP (Cod. 10.981). We also consulted other copies, such as IANTT, Col. São Vicente, vol. 23, fols 115-34; and the BNE, Fondo Barbieri, MS. 14.018, no. 12.

78 For this reform see Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, ‘La capela real del palazzo reale di Lisbona: politica, dottrina, cerimoniale e committenza religiosa alla corte di Giovanni III e Caterina d'Austria’, in Giuseppe Bertini (ed.), Maria di Portogallo sposa di Alessandro Farnese, principesca di Parma e Piacenza dal 1565 al 1577 (Parma, 2001), pp. 72-4.

79 In the Portuguese Royal Household, the office of Lord Almoner was reserved for the prior of the Alcobaça Monastery, therefore it was mandatory to appoint a Provisional Lord Almoner.

80 In 1603, Jorge de Ataíde had the privileges and jurisdictions of the Chapel printed in Lisbon, in the office of Pedro Craesbeck. Manuel de Figueiredo, Supplemento e correeções do catálogo dos preclarissimos esmóeres-móres, substitutos… (Lisbon, 1767) [BNP, Cód. 1473, fol. 51r].

81 On 26 June 1581, the Chapter of Seville Cathedral considered the request that the monarch had sent them for two of their best singers to serve in the Portuguese Royal Chapel. Robert Stevenson, ‘Francisco Guerrero (1528–1599): Seville's Sixteenth-Century Cynosure’, Inter-American Music Review, 13-1 (1992), pp. 44-5.

82 Adriana Latino, ‘Os músicos da Capela Real de Lisboa c. 1600’, Revista Portuguesa de Musicología, 3 (1993), pp. 5-41.

83 For this prominent figure, see António Caetano de Sousa Viterbo, ‘Mestres da capella real desde o dominio filippino (inclusivé) até D. José I’, Archivo Histórico Portuguez, 5 (1907), pp. 426-8; Adriana Latino, Francisco Garro, mestre da capela real de Lisboa (ca. 1590–1623): o livro de antífonas, missas e motetes publicado em Lisboa em 1609 (Coimbra, 1992). Sigüenza is northeast of Madrid.

84 IANTT, Chancelaria de D. Sebastião e D. Henrique, Doações, book 44, fol. 299r.

85 AGS, E, leg. 418, no. 162.

86 CODOIN, 48, p. 494.

87 Biblioteca Publica de Evora [henceforth BPE], CXII / 2-7, fol. 312v; AGS, E, leg. 432, n.d.

88 IANTT, Corpo Cronológico, 1ª parte, maço 113, doc. 12.

89 Ibid., fols. 303 r-311r.

90 Miguel Soromenho, ‘A Administração da arquitectura’, pp. 197-209.

91 BA, 44-XIII-56, fol. 266v. The Knight Harbinger regulated the conditions under which the court and its members were lodged in the various palaces and royal sites, as well as in the different villages, towns and cities. He was assisted by a staff of Harbingers. In the early months, money from Castile was used to pay for lodgings, as was the case in Abrantes in February 1581. AGS, DGT, Inv. 24, leg. 498, n.d.

92 Gomes, A corte dos reis de Portugal, p. 216.

93 IANTT, Chancelaria de D. Filipe I, Doações, book 13, fol. 397r-v; book 17, fol. 432v; book 24, fol. 124r.

94 AGS, SP. Portugal, book 1457, fol. 24.

95 See Alejandro López Álvarez, Poder, lujo y conflicto en la Corte de los Austrias. Coches, carrozas y sillas de manos, 1550-1700 (Madrid, 2007).

96 ‘Viagem do cardeal Alexandrino (1571)’, in Alexandre Herculano, Opúsculos (Lisbon, 1884), vol. VI, p. 358.

97 The changes soon began to be noticed. In 1584, the Jesuit Sande wrote that the royal stables contained a large number of horses. ‘Lisboa em 1584’, Archivo pittoresco, 6 (1863), p. 87.

98 IANTT, Chancelaria de D. Sebastião e D. Henrique, Doações, book 42, fol. 121r; Chancelaria de D. Filipe I, Doações, book 4, fol. 217r.

99 Fernando Castelo-Branco, Lisboa Seiscentista (Lisboa, 1990), pp. 36-8.

100 Augusto Cardoso Pinto, A guarda del rei dom João II. Notas e documentos para a história das guardas reais portuguesas (Lisbon, 1930), pp. 11, 19, 23; João Gouveia Monteiro, A guerra em Portugal nos finais de Idade Média (Lisbon, 1998), p. 28; Anselmo Braancamp Freire, ‘A guarda de D. João II no ano de 1490’, Archivo Histórico Portuguez, 5 (1907), pp. 345-66.

101 IANTT, Ementas da Casa Real, book 4, n.d.; BNP, Cód. 264, fol. 85r.

102 IANTT, Chancelaria de D. Sebastião e D. Henrique, Doações, book 43, fol. 107r; Chancelaria de D. Filipe I, Doações, book 4, fol. 238r; BNP, Cód. 264, fols. 34 and 93r.

103 AHN, E, book 728, no. 3.

104 BNP, MS. 2, no. 15. (February 1642).

105 BA, 44-XIII-61.

106 BPE, CXIX / 1-13, fol. 75. On 23 November 1594, hunting licences in the royal hunting grounds were revoked. BA, 44-XIII-61, no. 7, fol. 158.

107 IANTT, Ementas da Casa Real, book 5, fol. 149v; book 6, fols. 43r, 147r; Chancelaria de D. Filipe II, Doações, book 10, fol. 294; book 17, fol. 348v; book 31, fol. 171r; BNP, Pombalina. 151, fol. 203r; AGS, SP. Portugal, book 1458, no. 26.

108 BA, 51-VI-35, fol. 288v.

109 People in charge of supervising forests belonged to the Crown.

110 This is published in José Justino de Andrade e Silva, Collecção Chronológica da legislação portuguesa. 1603-1612 (Lisbon, 1854), pp. 109-24.

111 IANTT, Ementas da Casa Real, book 7, fol. 16r; BNP, Pombalina, 151, fol. 88v.

112 ‘He dressed and acted as the Portuguese. He was the most prudent friend of the Portuguese and always would stand with them’. Avisos do Céu. Sucessos de Portugal, p. 276.

113 On 25 October 1582, another letter made it clear that his return to Castile had already been made public and that he was leaving his nephew, Albert, as Viceroy. Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para Duas Infantas Meninas. Portugal na Correspondência de D. Filipe I para as suas filhas (1581–1583) (Lisbon, 1999), pp. 105, 171.

114 BA, 50-V-28, fols. 20–21v. Concerning his government, see the classic study by Francisco Caeiro, O arquiduque Alberto de Áustria, Vice-rei e Inquisidor-mor de Portugal, Cardeal legado do Papa, Governador e depois soberano dos Países Baixos (Lisbon, 1961).

115 Livro das cidades e fortalezas qve a coroa de Portvgal tem nas partes da Índia e das capitanias e mais cargos qve nelas ha, e da importancia delles, ed. Francisco P. Mendes da Luz (Lisbon, 1960), fol. 8r.

116 Pedro Cardim, ‘Política e identidades corporativas no Portugal de D. Filipe I’, Estudos em homenagem a João Francisco Marques (Oporto, 2002), pp. 278-9.

117 Fernando Bouza Álvarez, ‘La “soledad” de los reinos. El Portugal de los Felipes en la Monarquía del rey Ausente’, in Agustín González Enciso and Jesús Maria Usunáriz Garayoa (eds), Imagen del rey, imagen de los reinos. Las ceremonias públicas en la España Moderna (1500-1814) (Pamplona, 1999), pp. 155-62.

118 BPE, CV / 2-7, fols. 322v and 334r.

119 Jean-Frédéric Schaub, ‘Dinámicas políticas en el Portugal de Felipe III (1598-1621)’, Relaciones. Revista del Colegio de Michoacan, 73 (1998), p. 179.

120 For this, see Fernando Bouza Álvarez, ‘Lisboa sozinha quase viúva. A cidade e a mudança da corte no Portugal dos Filipes’, Penélope. Fazer e desfazer história, 13 (1994), pp. 71-93; and Francisco Rodrigues Lobo, Corte na aldeia (1619), ed. José Adriano de Carvalho (Lisbon, 1991), p. 256.

121 Simón Contarini, Estado de la monarquía española a principios del siglo XVII (17^th-century manuscript), ed. Joaquín Gil Sanjuán (Málaga, 2001), p. 71.

122 AGS, PR, leg. 29, doc. 37. See Félix Labrador Arroyo ‘A Jornada Real de 1602-1603. Um projecto político frustrado’, in Pedro Cardim, Leonor Freire Costa and Mafalda Soares da Cunha (eds), Portugal na Monarquia Hispânica. Dinâmicas de intregração e conflito (Lisbon, 2013), pp. 413-34.

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Felix Labrador Arroyo

Félix Labrador Arroyo

Félix Labrador Arroyo is professor of Early Modern History at the Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and researcher at the Instituto Universitario ‘La Corte en Europa’ (IULCE) at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. His principal works include the monograph La Casa de Borgoña: la casa del rey de España (Leuven, 2014); and the edited volumes La casa real en Portugal (1580–1621) (Madrid, 2009); Evolución y estructura de la Casa Real de Castilla (Madrid, 2010); and (with Lucio d'Alessandro and Pasquale Rossi), Siti Reali in Europa. Una storia del territorio tra Madrid e Napoli (Naples, 2014).