Buenaventura as a cradle of football: community creation among children in Colombia: narratives from national team footballers of the 1960s and 1970s

ABSTRACT

This article contributes to the contemporary discussion of the connections between the histories of football and the histories of children in different societies. Based on interviews with professional footballers’ members of the Colombian national team in the 1960s and 1970s, this article analyzes how football promotedcommunity building between children and other social groups in Colombia’s main port city: Buenaventura. Drawing on Lave & Wenger’s concept of Community of Practice we analyse how footballers’ narratives offer clues to enrich our knowledge about children’s heterogeneity and what football invites them to live.

The purpose of this article is to contribute to the contemporary discussion of the complex connections between the histories of football and the histories of children in different societies. The need to study how football inscribed in the lives of specific groups, and more particularly childrenis emphasized on through this article. Hence, we seek to pluralize the histories of this practice and to better understand what it offersto children. The political and analytical urgency of this approach is clear given the findings of several authors on how the formalizationof the educational processes around football restricts the possibilities of participation and expression for children, and more precisely, their motivation and abilities to take responsibility for their own game.¹

The article is based ona broad research on the social history of 52 professional footballers, who were champions of the professional tournament andmembers of the Colombian national team in the 1960s and 1970s.² The study was carried out between 2012 and 2015,in the context of Colombia’s national team participation in the World Cup Qualifiers and the 2014 World Cup in Brazil.³ In addition to historiographical sources and an extensive oral history exercise with the players and members of their communities, the research included the systematic review of sporting press and the creation of a small ‘dossier’ or album with the newspaper reports on each player with photos, interviews and articles.⁴ With these sources at hand, the players were invited to narrate ‘how they encountered football?’ and ‘how they started theirpractice?’.In their first answers, all the narrators insisted in that’like every child, they also like to play’. As the conversation developed, the footballers built complex narratives that pointed out different aspects of both their childhood and the elements of football they found captivating.In this article we focused on the ways football favoured community building between children and other social groups. Although those dynamicsare present in the narrativesof many of the accomplished players the country has had the privilege to follow, we chose the stories of four footballers fromColombia’s main port city: Buenaventura. A focus on the trajectoriesofthese four footballers; more precisely, on the diverse ways in which they encountered football and learned to practice it, illuminates the broader andlocalized social processes connecting children, football, and community creation. In fact, these four footballers through their sporting careers made the history of Buenaventura well-known in Colombia.

This text is organized in 3 sections, in addition to this introduction. In the first section, the main conceptual and methodological elements that guide the articleare presented. The following section dealswith the role of football,based onLave &Wenger⁵ as the Community of Practice in Buenaventura. In the final section, some conclusions are drawn.

Analytical perspective and methodology

In this section, our conceptual perspective is divided into three parts. First,we review studies that look at the histories of society that can be told through sports and thatfocus on the role of children. In the second, a multidisciplinary perspective on children is developed. In the last section,we introduce some referenceson the setting in which footballers’ biographies developed. These will help us conceive the players as playful children in times of urbanization and cultural change.

Society through sport and child footballers

The studies that analyse the local meaningsof football and those that track how this practice is inscribed in the daily life of children in different contextsare helpful to draw parallels to the Colombian experience. We acknowledge that practicing a sport can bring empowerment to social groups, butthat simultaneously can exclude others.⁶ Through the study of sports, in our case football, it is possible to explore changes that have occurredin the daily life of different groupswithin the framework of urbanization processes and according to the differences of social class, gender, national membership, or ethnic community.

We also take up the work of those who explore how football connects with the experience of specific groups, to trace the role of this practice in establishing cultural consensus on work and recreation.⁷ These studies allow us to show that even when sports practices are narrated in similar ways in the press and between certain groups, it is incorrect to assume they carry the samemeaning for the whole community. Nonetheless, within narratives divergent or contradictory meanings are achieved together under the same set of signs.⁸

Furthermore, a series of contemporary views about the significance of football in childhood was recompiled. For instance, the concept of Communities of Practice (CoP), defined by Lave & Wenger as a place where the exercise of a specificpractice becomes a distinctive element in the formation of a particular community.⁹ In these types of communities, a set of ideas, identities, and bonds are formed around a common practice. Additionally, Lightstudies how such communities foster a particular type of social, cultural, and personal development among its members.¹⁰ This concept allows us to track how, in some communities where football is played, this practice defines and projects social interactions. In this sense, CoP are places where social learnings, processes of cultural transformation, and identity development arise from the very participation of community members.¹¹

This article establishesdialogueswith recent studies on the role of children in the history of football. According to these studies, the attention that literature has given to the activities of professional players, industry, teams, and coaches, has overshadowedresearch that has been doneon the role of this sporting practise in the socialization and life of children. Their experiences occupy a marginal place in football research,despite the intensity with which children participate in the field.¹² According to several authors, the limited attention paid to children’s experiences has to do with the predominance of paternalistic approaches and the pre-eminence of the behaviouraland physical sciences that see’the game as a means of control, pacification and discipline rather than as a source of empowerment or asocialization’.¹³ This contrasts with the results of studies showing ‘that children’s football is an effective basis for sustainable community connections and friendships’.¹⁴ Similarly, O’Gorman and Greenough suggest that children have lost decision-making power by losing their propensity to participate and take responsibility for their play.¹⁵

Perspective on children and play

Our study takes an interdisciplinary approach, conceiving children as actors enrolled in a complex and shifting balance of power. Furthermore, we discuss authors interested in showing how different childhood experiences relate to the changing place of children in broader political and social systems that affect the balance of power between school-parents-children and communities.¹⁶ It is known that a child’s life is marked by stages they must overcome to reach ‘adulthood’, and that the latter tends to be defined by a series of responsibilities that are only acquired with growth.This is complemented byAllison James’ insistence that children are thoughtful about their lives and identities as they face the need to articulate to their environments.¹⁷

These clarifications on the conceptual orientation of the work resulted in a specific analytical strategy. As noted in the introduction, our main sources are the narratives of fourColombian footballers of the 1960s and 1970sabout their encounter with football asyoung children.Working with adult memories about their childhood exposes us to social constructions of childhood. That is, to narratives that idealize the experience of children because they assume that childhood is, or should be, a period characterized by play, joy, or selfless action, among other traits. This issue is crucial for us because ‘the idea that children have to play to be happy has expanded, especially in the West’.¹⁸ Such socially accepted statements condition how people talk about their childhood. The image of the ‘playful child’ is a recent Western construction and highlights the growing role of parents, school, and children-oriented consumption.¹⁹ The accountsof footballers about their childhood are the elaborations they make from today’s political demands and opportunities and not transparent recounts of previous experiences. In this sense, players’ narratives are articulated around very precise political and affective expectations. As several scholars have shown a helpful way of dealing with narratives about the past is locating them within broader contexts and reflecting on their assumptions.

Given the heterogeneity of children’s experiences and knowing that this heterogeneityis structured by the relations of colonial modernity in Latin America, we underline the need to track down and rebuild how the subcontinent’s children relate to football. Those who have researched the history of children in Latin America insist on the need to differentiate moments, institutional logics, and places of socialization.²⁰ Indeed, the processes of ‘modernization’ of the State and Latin American societies involve the conflicting construction of new balances of power between state agents, schools,parents,and children. Latin American children face a dynamic world that constantly redefines the role of the family, its members, and its objectives.²¹ Besides, institutions such as the church, the school, or the medical sector promote different ways of conceiving children.²² These take us away from static or closed visions of the family world and force us to see children and their families as actors in changing and vulnerable power struggles.²³

At this point, it is necessary to introduce clarifications on the history of football in Colombia. Several authors have emphasized the central role of Latin American countries in the global history of football. Such work corrected the elitist vision of the sport and showed the early and complex entanglements of European and South American football.²⁴ Researchers have also reconstructed the ways football has been inscribed in narratives about national identity, racism, and other social problems.²⁵

For Colombia, it is important to know that the practice of football had several promotion centressince the end of the early XXcentury, however, state authorities were not very involved in the promotion of sports. Professional football began almost 20 years later than in other Latin American countries – in 1948 – and withina context marked by mistrust and conflict between the state and people.²⁶ The reconstruction of players’ trajectories helped us establish that most of them began their careers in teams supported by their relatives and communities. The history of Colombian football is marked precisely by this plurality of initiatives and by the non-existence of a centralized effortor institutional logic for the dissemination of the sport. In the field of football history, two peculiarities of Colombia’s history are detected: one isthe limited participation of the state as a promoter of social change and the other isthe absence of urban primacy. Both phenomena hadan impact on football becoming a competition between regions where various social sectors seek to intervene.²⁷ Both featuresalsostrengthenfootball’scapacity toconstructcommunitiesof practice defining regional identities.

The narratives of footballers: children in times of urbanization and cultural change

To understand what football offered to the players, it is necessary to underline the context of their stories. Interviewees were born in the 1940s. This time was characterized as a time of intense spatial reorganization in Colombia.²⁸ As in other countries in the region, the 1940s and 1950s were decades of intense demographic, social, and cultural transformationsin which children were actively involved.²⁹ Moreover, the urbanization processes transformed the role of children in families and communities.³⁰ During these years, there were academic, political, medical and economic debates about children as members of society, and as new consumers.³¹ In the changing relationships and struggles over development and modernity, children became mediators of cultural change and promoters of new social values.³²

In addition to the growing urbanization, since the late 1930s there was an expansion of basic education, the radio and recording industry.³³ As in other countries, these industries are central to the understandingof the expansion and importance that football will acquire in various social spheres.³⁴ Regarding the family, we found that, in the middle of the century, the patriarchal and extended family was the predominant model.³⁵

Buenaventura: a cradle of footballers

The way footballers narrated their encounters with football led several players to tell stories about their communities. Four of the interviewees were born in Buenaventura, other players refer to that place as a cradle for football,for which we concentrate the discussion on this place and experience.

Buenaventura is located on the pacific coast of Colombia, in the department of Valle del Cauca, whosecapital is Cali. Like other cities in the Colombian Pacific, the population of Buenaventura is heir to settlers of African origin who came to the country as an enslaved labour force.³⁶ In 1915with the construction of the railway between Cali and Buenaventura, the latter became an important port of Colombia and in the 1930s it surpassed Barranquilla and became the main port of the country.³⁷ Although since 1951 the city has appeared among the 20 largest cities in Colombia,³⁸ and although it is Colombia’s main port, the levels of poverty and lack of public services show the colonial relationship that the country has with the city and the discrimination to which its inhabitants are subjected.³⁹ This discrimination led to much of the land being classified as wastelands and available for resource extraction without due considerationfor its resident.⁴⁰ Furthermore, the political dependence from Cali has meant that Buenaventura does not have direct representation in the political world and that an extractive economy severely limits the well-being of the region’s inhabitants. A particularly intense moment of conflict between Buenaventura’s people and the national government took place in the mid-1970s with the liquidation of the state-owned company of Colpuertos,following accusations of a discriminatory labour regime, fraud, and theft.⁴¹

As several authors have shown, the dynamics of colonialism also translate into racism and exploitation that seek the subjugation of bodies and the homogenization of the ways of being of colonized groups.⁴² These dynamics are present in the relations between the political-economic centres of Colombia and the port of Buenaventura, but to some extent, they contrast, with the cosmopolitan character of the city. Through trade in goods, the arrival of foreigners, the embarking abroad of some villagers, and the location of Buenaventura as a meeting point for various organizational processesof Afro-descendants of the Pacific, the city became a powerful place for recreation and articulation of ethnic-territorial struggles.⁴³ The existence of colonialism and territorial ethnic struggle were present in the stories of players. In their narratives, they referred to the multiple ways of discriminations they had experienced and explained how football became a way of getting Buenaventura’s culture known. The latter statement underscores the ways football can be a modern and global sport but is also part of the heritageforged by Afro-descendants in the Colombian Pacific.

For this article, it is important to emphasize that Buenaventura is often described as a cradle of football because renowned players – starting in the 1950s – come from this city. Alluding to thenotion of’cradle’ evokes the presence of children and the question of origin. However, to better understand this characterization of the port, it must be clarified that, unlike other countries of the subcontinent, Colombia’s professional football was never concentrated in the capital. On the contrary, since 1948, when the professional championship opened, teams from 9 capital cities contested the title. This organizational football traitinfluenced footballers to be presented as representativesnot for the teams but for specific cities and regions.Thus, although Buenaventura does not have teams in professional football, it has a prominent place in the geography of Colombian football. Having these elements into account, this section takes up the narratives of the players about their encounter with football in Buenaventura and guides its analysis through the concept of Community of Practice.⁴⁴ This concept allows to track the various ways in which football led to ties between children and other groups.

Community of practice

‘Being a footballer was a dream for all the children of Buenaventura because Klinger and Quiñones had already left town and represented us in front of the country. Because of that illusion, I also became a footballer.⁴⁵ As a child, Teofilo Campaz gave himself to football because he was inspired by boys from his school, from his street, and even, by his own older brother Harrison. Teófilo remembers that some of his neighbours were called to be part of the local team and that, as of 1958, they were playing in professional teams in Cali, Medellin, and Bogota. Teófilo welcomed the illusionand became a Colombian football champion with Atlético Nacional of Medellín in 1971.

One of Teofilo’s younger brothers, Víctor Campaz, who was a member of the Colombian national team and a protagonist on racial discrimination issues in Colombia, emphasized something similar. For him, all the children in Buenaventura played football because they were ‘forging their way of life’:

Our ancestors didn’t play, but the heritage was born as we and older ones played (…) because all the children were playing in the unpaved streets, playing barefoot, and we kicked the ball (…) and were happy.⁴⁶

The enjoyment of football for the Campaz brothers is inscribedin the history of their people with the candidness of an ‘illusion’and the importance of inheritance. An inheritance that the child footballers knew they were forging with elements providedby their ancestors, and through their time together in the streets.

To analyse these narratives, it is necessary to articulate two important discussions. The first discussion invites us to conceive modernity not as a historical period, but as a particular experience in which individuals feel able to change a world that is about to change them.⁴⁷ This reference does not deny the reality of inner colonialism and the ways discrimination was previously referred butfurthers the understanding of how children are acting and forging an inheritance with their actions. The second discussion deepens Campaz’s reference to his ancestorsand inheritance. Researchers of these communities have underlined how through what has been called ‘relational ontologies’ people of the Pacific have built ‘other worlds’.⁴⁸ Those are particular ways of being, knowing, and inhabiting territories where they are not conceived as open spaces for the ‘development’ of capital, history, or agency but as places full of meaning and as elements of the very possibility of existence.⁴⁹ In this context, Campaz’s allusion to the ancestors is a way to inscribe the history of football in the port in the broader framework of ‘practices of ancestry’ understood as the own ways of occupying and making sense of their territories.⁵⁰ These practices account for oral tradition, historical research, music, dance, ‘histrionic capacity’,⁵¹ but we alsosuggest football. Thus, more than an imperial sport that spread or popularized in Buenaventura, football emerges as a children’s field of action through which they forge community. The references to heritage and tradition built by children allowsfor the comprehension of a community of practice that was being constructed in the port.

A crucial player to strengthen the ties between Buenaventura and football is Delio’Maravilla’Gamboa, who inspired the Campaz brothers. Born in the port in 1935, he was one of the first Colombian footballers to play abroad and to participate in a World Cup. However, heevoked his taste for fishing more than his childhood love for football.⁵² Paradoxically, the person who inspired Teófilo and Victor, little enjoyed football when he was a kid. Although the press insisted on presenting him as a ‘born footballer’, Gamboa stated in an interview, after 10 years as a professional player:

I didn’t like football when I was in school. I thought it was very difficult. Instead, I loved basketball, when I started – with football – at the age of 17 in Buenaventura I had little encouragement. However, the victories began encouraging me until I won the 1957 National Championship. This was the first great satisfaction of my life as a footballer. Since then, I feel this sport inside the bones.⁵³

Gamboa’s account makes it possible to specify two fundamental things in the community of Buenaventura and the trade of footballers. The first thing is that Buenaventura consolidated itself as a CoP through the footballers themselves. This heritage, which Gamboa began to create and continued with the Campaz brothers, was the consolidation of a practice that was uncommon in the port. The second is that the trade of footballer that was consolidating in the country was not necessarily built by players who loved the sport from a young age, but some, like Gamboa,whofell in love with football later. This allows homogenizing statements about children and football to be nuanced.

In their narratives, the Campaz brothers and Delio Gamboa underline the importance of peer groups and invite us to reconsider how children of similar ages and friends are actively involved in building the social ties that sustain their community and various forms of social identity in the port. Their stories illustrate how a community of peers shapes the illusions of children and their representations of community and masculinity.⁵⁴

Forging an inheritance: idols and ancestors

Asseenpreviously, Buenaventura’s footballers are ‘creating an inheritance’ through their discovery and practice of football. This heritage begins to shape a broad community of players of various ages and generations. The enjoyment of Buenaventura’s children with football grew in 1956 due to the collective enthusiasm for several boys of the port in the ‘historic’ Valle regional team that defeated the Antioquia regional team in Medellin. In January 1961, when Campaz was 11 years old, two of his neighbours, DelioGamboa and Marino Klinger, graduated from the main school of the port, began to play for the prestigious team Millionarios of Bogota. Theseplayers of Buenaventura were key in the conquest of the professional championship title that theteam won in three consecutive years.Campaz and the inhabitants of Buenaventura followed the achievements of their countrymen through radio, waiting eagerly for the December holidays. During the patron saint festivities, the footballers would return to celebrate and play football with neighboursand friends. For the striker, Víctor Campaz, the presence of Buenaventura’ players in important teams of Colombian professional football, in the national football team, and the city’s festivities, forged the tradition ofnamingBuenaventura as a cradle of footballers. This cradle is nourished by the experience of ‘the big children’ who represented the port in national competitive events and who as young adults inspired the smallest children to continue the football tradition.

According to Lave &Wenger, alignment or inspiration are ways a CoP can be strengthened or defined.⁵⁵ Thus, the success of port players at the national level generated an identification within their community. This is even more explicit when players regularly return to the community, participate in the local festivities, and invest some of the economic resources associated with their sporting success ontheir families and community. In his explanation of the concept of CoP,Wenger exemplifies the allegiance in communities of practice with a ball game:

Going to the ball game, rooting for the home team, entering in unison with a crowd of thousands into a big shout when a point is scored, hugging everyone after a victory, joining in the disappointment or the rage of a defeat — all this alignment of energy creates a way of taking part in something big.⁵⁶

Due to Buenaventura’s centrality in the Colombian Pacific, the kind of feelings and communities that were consolidating in the port spread to other areas of the region. This is the case of Willington Ortiz, who was born in the port of Tumaco, in the pacific south of Colombia in 1952. Old Willy, as he would be known years later, began to fall in love with football by watching his older brother play in a local team, but aboveall, bylistening to the radio with friends the matches and plays of two players from the neighbouring port of Buenaventura – DelioGamboa and Marino Klinger – in Bogota, in the early 1960s.⁵⁷ The sporting triumphs of these two players were followed with admiration by people in the pacific region who they now represented in the capital city and whom Ortiz came to replace as professional football champion in 1972.

In the narratives of the different footballers and the consolidation of the CoP, the role of radio is fundamental. The radio allowed people to enjoy together the triumphs of their neighbours who were playing in different cities and helpedthem to build stronger relationships. Radio broadcast played a very important role during these years – from the 1950s to the 1970s – as a means of communication, education, and entertainment for Colombian households. Therefore, the radio reinforced and created benchmarks for the children, who imagined themselves playing in the same stadiums as their idols.

Being loved: thefootball community

The football community that was being constructed in Buenaventura was fed through a series of pleasures that children enjoyed. Being pampered or sought after by their friends or other community members to integrate teams generated intense emotions for children and encouraged them to fall in love with the game.

This is captured in Gilberto Cuero’s narration. In his narrative about how he started playing football,Cuero recalled that he started playing when he was very young. Because he was so small people liked to see him and cheer him up: ‘They came from other streets and asked my mom to let me play with them’.⁵⁸ If her mother said no, the other children would throw stones at the zinc ceiling of the house, and she had to give in. Cuero is pleased to remember that the other children ‘wanted to play with him.’He stresses it because he was the first son, the first grandson, and with football, he would start to be recognized on the port ‘for being himself’. With football, Cuero began to have his space-time, one where he could be a small, fast, and elusive striker among the football crowds of the port.

From our perspective, Cuero’s memories allow us to underline the way a CoP allows children to have their place to develop hand in hand with their peers. Cuero’s peers would throw stones at his house if her mother wouldn’t let him out. That was a way of showing the popular support of the little striker. The experience of Buenaventura’s footballers illustrates the confluence of several important facets on the history of football and children. In a situation of constant racial discrimination and political disputes with the capital of the department, the children of the port found in football not only a space for fun but also a ground to stand out, contribute to the community and make their name. The four Buenaventura footballers interviewed explained that their interest in football was born within the framework of the community where the school, the peers, the neighbourhood, the parents, and the countrymen celebrated football as a mode of representing Buenaventura. Gamboa’s narrative is essential in this regard. He felt football in the bones once he began harvesting triumphs in the name of the port. The Campaz brothers assumed that with their sporting skills they were honouringthe ancestors, the triumphs of friends and countrymen, and were forging a tradition that would allow Buenaventura to subvert Cali’s dominance over the port. The affection of elders for these young footballers, the return of the young winners to the village for the festivities reveals the centrality of football in the port, but also the contribution of the children to a collective purpose to which they gave body and movement.

Conclusion

This article focused on the ways footballpromotedcommunity building between children and other social groups in Colombia’s main port city: Buenaventura. We concentrate on the narratives of four footballers because thoseallow us to participate in two discussions: the heterogeneity and depth of children’s motivations and experiences; and the ways football acquires local meanings. These topics contribute to the discussion on how little we know about the history of football among children and, more specifically, the history of football as a source of empowerment.⁵⁹ Even though these narratives are reconstructions made byadult players about their encounter with football, that are imbued by social constructions of childhood,⁶⁰ they offer important clues to enrich our knowledge of the heterogeneity of children and what football invites them to live.

We take up Lave &Wenger’s concept of Community of Practice,⁶¹ to show how in Buenaventura children built a community around the practice of football. This practice allowed them to articulate with each other, to inspire each other, and above all to imagine that through football they disputed a different place for themselves and their city in the national context. The history of football is also the story of communities where children are inspired to fulfilltheir dreams and where they feel they can contribute and honour the trajectory of their ancestors. In this sense, Buenaventura’s characterizationasthecradle of footballers and the idea of the Campaz brothers in whichthey were forging a tradition, invites them to conceive football as a collective practice through which specific actors – in this case, children, and young footballers – are part of broader political struggles. Hence our interest in articulating the experience of this community of practice with discussions on modernity, colonialism, and discrimination.

Acknowledgments

The author(s) would like to thank the interviewed footballers. We would like to thank Zandra Pedraza, Lina Alvarez, Isaac Beltrán and Eliana Cristancho for comments on an earlier draft and the two anonymous reviewers of Soccer and Society for their very helpful comments.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This study was supported by the Programa de Apoyo a Profesores Asistentes, Universidad de Los Andes (2017).

Notes

1. O’Gorman & Greenough, ‘Children’s voices in mini soccer’, 2.

2. Bolívar, El oficio de los futbolistas colombianos en los años 60 y 70.

3. Colombia qualified for the World Cup in 2013 after 16 years of not doing so. At the 2014 World Cup in Brazil the team made its best historical performance reaching the quarterfinals. For a discussion about how the ‘positive moment’ of the national team influenced the interest of footballers in sharing their experience see Bolivar,‘Footballers, “Public Figures”’.

4. A more nuanced description of the methodology and the role oral history can have in sport history in Bolívar, ‘Footballers, “Public Figures”’.

5. Lave &Wegner, Situated learning; Wegner, Communities of Practice.

6. Elsey and Alegi, ‘Historicizing the Politics’.

7. Portelli, ‘Sports, work, and politics’.

8. Ibid., 160.

9. Lave & Wegner, Situated learning;Wegner, Communities of Practice.

10. Light, ‘Children’s Social and Personal Development’, 382.

11. Ibid.

12. Pitchford and others, ‘Children in football’, 44.

13. Ibid., 47.

14. Ibid., 53.

15. O’Gorman & Greenough, ‘Children’s voices in mini soccer’.

16. Elias, La civilización de los padres.

17. James, ‘Children’s perspectives on age’, 248.

18. Wyness, ‘The Social Meaning of Childhood’, 7.

19. Wyness, ‘The Social Meaning of Childhood’, 11; Pedraza, ‘El Trabajo Infantil En Clave Colonial’; and Chamberlain, Family Love in the Diaspora.

20. Milanich, ‘Latin American Childhoods’; Stearns, ‘Childhood emotions’.

21. Stearns, ‘Childhood emotions’, 159.

22. Ibid, 167.

23. Elias, La civilización de los padres, 410.

24. Alabarces, Historia mínima del fútbol; Brown, From Frontiers to Football; Brown, Elsey and Wood, ‘Football History in Latin America’.

25. Rinke, ‘¿La última pasión verdadera?’; Nadel, Fútbol!: Why Soccer Matters.

26. Bolívar, ‘Antioquia’s Regional Narratives’; Bolívar’Footballers, ‘Public Figures’’; Quitián, ‘O rádio, o esporte’.

27. A schematic presentation of these particularities in Bolivar, ‘Sports and Political Imagination.’

28. Goueset, Bogotá: nacimiento de una metrópoli.

29. Ramirez, ‘¿Qué niño se resiste a la tele?’

30. Aristizábal, ‘Niños deseantes’.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid.

33. Sáenz, Saldarriaga, and Ospina, Mirar la infancia; Hernández, Los mitos de la música nacional.

34. Alabarces, Historia mínima del fútbol; Kittleson, The Country of Football.

35. Pachón, La familia en Colombia; Gutierrez de Pineda, Familia y cultura en Colombia.

36. Salazar, El Puerto de Buenaventura 1850–1950; and Lozano, ‘Feminismo Negro’.

37. Exports of coffee through Buenaventura quintupled between 1916 and 1926, with the construction of new railways and roads in the interior of the country. In 1944 almost 60% of all Colombian coffee was exported through Buenaventura. For a detailed analysis see Waxer, The City of Musical Memory.

38. Goueset, Bogotá: nacimiento de una metrópoli, 9.

39. In the 1951 census, 60% of homes did not have public water supply and 62% did not have light supply 14 years later in the 1964 census, 85% of homes did not have public water supply and 84% did not have light supply.

40. Escobar and Pedroza, Pacífico: ¿desarrollo o diversidad?

41. Moreno, ‘Buenaventura’.

42. Césaire, Discursos sobre el colonialismo; Fanon, ‘Sobre la cultura nacional’; Lozano, ‘Feminismo Negro’.

43. Waxer, The City of Musical Memory; Lozano, ‘Feminismo Negro’; Escobar, ‘Territorios de diferencia’.

44. Lave & Wegner, Situated learning; Wegner, Communities of Practice.

45. Teofilo Campaz, interview by Ingrid Bolívar, 21 November 2013.

46. Victor Campaz interview by Ingrid Bolívar, 17 November 2013.

47. Martuccelli and de Singly, Las sociologías del Individuo, 9.

48. Escobar, ‘Territorios de diferencia’.

49. Lozano, ‘Feminismo Negro’.

50. Escobar, ‘Territorios de diferencia’, 27.

51. Lozano, ‘Feminismo Negro’, 26.

52. Delio Gamboa interview by Ingrid Bolívar, 1 May 2014.

53. Caicedo, ‘10 años ante la fama’, 44.

54. Viveros, De quebradores y cumplidores; Parker, ‘Lifelong learning to labour’.

55. Lave & Wegner, Situated learning; Wegner, Communities of Practice.

56. Wegner, Communities of Practice, 196.

57. Ulloa, El Viejo Willy.

58. Gilberto Cuero interview by Ingrid Bolívar, 30 April 2014.

59. Elsey and Alegi, ‘Historicizing the Politics’; Pitchford and others, ‘Children in football’; O’Gorman & Greenough, ‘Children’s voices in mini soccer’.

60. Wyness, ‘The Social Meaning of Childhood’.

61. Lave & Wegner, Situated learning; Wegner, Communities of Practice.