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Book Reviews

Chinese nationalism in the twentieth century and the last gasp of foreign imperialism

 

Notes

1 Bickers 2017, 143.

2 Cheng and Denton 2017, 172.

3 Cheng and Denton 2017, 281–283.

4 Bickers 2017, 57.

5 Issued by the Japanese government in 1915, these included demands that the Chinese government accept Japanese control of parts of Manchuria and Shandong and agree to stop leasing territory to foreign powers.

6 In a 1918 speech to the United States Congress, President Woodrow Wilson sketched out his plans for a post-World Wat I peace accord. These included banning secret international agreements, and upholding the principle of the self-determination of peoples.

7 Bickers 2017, 103.

8 Bickers 2017, 301.

9 Bickers 2017, 295.

10 Bickers 2017, 24.

11 Jiao. See Perdue Citation2010.

12 Bickers 2017, 29.

13 On the 1962 border war, see Riedel Citation2015. China has occupied Aksa China, claimed by India, since the 1950s.

14 Bickers 2017, 407.

15 “Should mean” was actually translated “means,” but “should mean” seems to be more in conformity with Lu Xun's intent.

16 Cheng and Denton 2017, 209.

17 Bickers 2017, 82–83.

18 Bickers 2017, 85.

19 Bickers 2017, 86.

20 Bickers 2017, 89–90.

21 Cheng and Denton 2017, 211–217. In general, the heterogeneous materials in Jottings seem well translated, and the book reads well. However, there are times when the English word does not seem quite right, and one longs for the Chinese – or some contextualization. The word “politician,” for example, clearly refers to those with whom Lu was familiar, and probably is not the kind of broad indictment of politics that it sounds like. Likewise, the phrase “to command,” quoted in note 44, might better be expressed as simply “against.”

22 Bickers 2017, 90.

23 Bickers 2017.

24 Bickers 2017, 99.

25 Bickers 2017, 85.

26 Bickers 2017, 135.

27 Ibid., 135.

28 Bickers 2017, 133.

29 Cheng and Denton 2017, 165.

30 Cheng and Denton 2017, 50.

31 Bickers 2017, 391.

32 The book contains sixty-two essays, twenty being first-time translations. These are mostly brief notes, some being introductions to other works. About a dozen are autobiographical snippets.

34 Cheng and Denton 2017, 51.

35 Bickers 2017, 354–355.

36 Cheng and Denton 2017, 221.

37 Cheng and Denton 2017, 193.

38 Cheng and Denton 2017, 32.

39 Cheng and Denton 2017, 34.

40 Cheng and Denton 2017, 53.

41 Cheng and Denton 2017, 48.

42 Cheng and Denton 2017, 248.

43 Cheng and Denton 2017, 269.

44 In 1927 Lu wrote: “Most people know only that the sword is wielded to command soldiers, not giving a thought to how the sword can also be wielded to command intellectuals.” (Cheng and Denton 2017, 208). But Lu’s views of political violence were not consistent. A few months after saying that, he told students at the Whampoa Military Academy about the role of literature in revolution. “For myself, I’d naturally prefer to hear the sound of artillery. It seems to me that the sound of artillery is a much finer thing than the sound of literature” (Cheng and Denton 2017, 207). The editors’ remark: “The speech reflects a profound ambivalence on Lu Xun's part between his conviction of China's need for revolution, on the one hand, and his recognition of the necessity of violent means to effect revolution, on the other” (201). For more on this problem, see Davies Citation2013.

45 A haunting remark made by Lu Xun in 1927 might be applied word-for-word to 1989: “My experience in Beijing over these past few years gradually led me to start doubting all the old literary discourses I am familiar with. That was when they opened fire and murdered students, and censorship was especially tight” (201).

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