‘A Divided Soul’? The Cold War Odyssey of O. John Rogge

Abstract

In 1948 O. John Rogge, a prominent American liberal, was a contender for the Progressive Party's vice-presidential nomination. He was then a man of the Left: an activist in the international peace movement, a champion of radical causes and a defender of organizations deemed subversive by the Department of Justice. In 1951 he persuaded his client to turn government witness in the Rosenberg espionage trial and was converted into ‘Rogge the Rat’ by his former allies. In tracing this transformation, this paper will argue that Rogge was neither a typical Cold War apostate nor a typical anti-Stalinist intellectual. Instead, his political trajectory was the outcome of a failed attempt to steer global politics away from Cold War dichotomies. The paper will therefore throw new light both on the movement to find a ‘third way’ between East and West, and on the phenomenon of non-communist Left activism during the early Cold War.

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank the journal's anonymous referees in addition to Mario Del Pero and Julie Kimber for their valuable comments on an earlier draft.

Notes

  [1] Woods, Quest for Identity, 71.

  [2] See O'Neill, A Better World; Pells, Liberal Mind; Powers, Not Without Honour, 199–212; Schlesinger, The Vital Center; Tuck, Liberal Civil War; Wald, New York Intellectuals; Wilford, New York Intellectuals.

  [3] Schrecker examines the private networks of anti-communist activists between the wars but not during the Cold War. Schrecker, Many Are The Crimes, 42–85. An exception to this historiographical oversight of individual activists – at least in regard to foreign policy, with chapters on James Warburg, Henry Wallace, Claude Pepper and Glen Taylor – is Paterson, Cold War Critics.

  [4] See Stoner Saunders, Who Paid the Piper?; Lucas, Freedom's War, ch. 8; Wilford, CIA, the British Left and the Cold War, ch. 4.

  [5] Du Bois, In Battle for Peace, 110.

  [6] Radosh and Milton. Rosenberg File, 82.

  [7] See, for example, White and Maze, Wallace, ch. 8.

  [8] See Bird, American Prometheus; McMillan, Ruin of Oppenheimer; Holloway, In the Matter of Oppenheimer; Wang, American Science, 132–47, 184–93; Shils, Portraits, ch. 4; Kurtz, Sidney Hook; Teres, Renewing the Left, ch. 11; Tanner, Lionel Trilling. Trilling's only novel, The Middle of the Journey, which examined a liberal's crisis of conscience in an increasingly polarized world, presciently foreshadowed the deepening crisis of the Left brought on by the Cold War.

  [9] See Dougal, “U.S. Department of State,” 56–61; Meyers, Orwell: Wintry Conscience, 295–7; Garton Ash, “Orwell's List,” 6–12; Deery, “Confronting the Cominform,” 219–26.

 [10] This landmark case has largely escaped the attention of historians and it is outside the scope of this paper to analyze it here; however, the records of the JAFRC can be found in the papers of one of its Executive Board members, jailed with the rest of the Board in 1950. See Tamiment Library, New York, Charlotte Stern papers, Collection 070, Box 2, Folders 1–6.

 [11] See Rogge, Why Men Confess, 146–7.

 [12] Ribuffo, Old Christian Right, 228

 [13] Current Biography, 534. According to one historian, Rogge later revealed that he had been approached by Paul O'Dwyer, brother of the New York City Mayor, who asked him to withdraw as ALP candidate and accept a Democratic-ALP nomination for the State Supreme Court in order to ensure the election of the Democratic nominee for surrogate. Marcantonio rejected the deal and Rogge refused. Carter, “Pressure from the Left,” 351. See also Schaffer, Vito Marcantonio, 186.

 [14] This quest failed because he was too little known outside the East Coast.

 [15] Current Biography, 534; Walton, Wallace, Harry Truman and the Cold War, 42, 193. Rogge strongly endorsed Wallace's call for rapprochement with the Soviet Union, which drew much support from the American Communist Party.

 [16] Schmidt, Henry A. Wallace, 278.

 [17] See White and Maze, Wallace, 276–7, 282; Lieberman, The Strangest Dream, ch. 2 (“Friendly Henry Wallace”). It was not until early 1951 that Rogge, like Wallace, warned against that earlier, more tolerant attitude that embraced communist support; see New Leader, 29 January 1951, 2.

 [18] See New York Times, 11 January 1951, 7; Bureau of the Committee of the World Congress of the Defenders of Peace, In Defence of Peace, no. 8, March 1950.

 [19] The rhetoric in Liberator, the eight-page monthly organ of the Civil Rights Congress, is identical to most Communist Party publications in this period. On the other hand, the evidence is less compelling for the National Lawyers' Guild being a communist front, as alleged by HUAC. See Salmond's study of Clifford J. Durr, the president of the Guild in 1948–49, Conscience of a Lawyer, 136–9.

 [20] Liberator 1, no. 1 (January 1949), 2. Like the infamous rape trials of the “Scottsboro boys” (1931–37), the Trenton Six trials (1948–52) involved racism. Initially, Rogge and Emmanuel (“Manny”) Block – soon to cross swords during the Rosenberg trial – represented the six black defendants but, controversially, were barred from the case by the presiding judge; see New York Times, 18 December 1949, 6.

 [21] Rogge, Our Vanishing Civil Liberties, 37. For the text of one of his many attacks on HUAC, or the “US Gestapo” as he termed it, see New York Times, 31 October 1947, 3.

 [22] New York Times, 17 April 1947, 12. For his attacks on the Justice Department's internal security policies, see Dorin, “Truman's ‘Biggest Mistake’,” 331–2.

 [23] Rogge, Our Vanishing Civil Liberties, 274–5.

 [24] For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy!, no. 5 (65), 3 February 1950, 1 (official publication of the Cominform).

 [25] New York Times, 8 November 1947, 10. The purpose of this manoeuvre, he stated (in language that would have been at home in the Daily Worker), was to “whip up a new wave of anti-Soviet hysteria to divert public attention from the wave of reaction into the Truman administration had plunged because of Wall Street influence.”

 [26] See Starobin, American Communism in Crisis, 173 and note 32, 292.

 [27] Zion, Autobiography of Roy Cohn, 71. See also Schneir and Schneir, Invitation to an Inquest, 455–7; Philipson, Ethel Rosenberg, 235–7.

 [28] Daily Compass (New York), cited in National Guardian, 21 November 1951, 5.

 [29] Daily Worker, 14 November 1951, 6; 15 November 1951, 1.

 [30] Daily Worker, 21 November 1951, 2.

 [31] Du Bois, In Battle for Peace, 115, 118.

 [32] See Kahn, Treason in Congress.

 [33] Kahn, “The Case of O. John Rogge,” 15–16.

 [34] Kahn, “The Case of O. John Rogge,”, 21.

 [35] Hall, Basics for Peace, 164–5.

 [36] Feklisov and Kostin, Man Behind the Rosenbergs, 296. Equally astonishing was Feklisov's suggestion that Rogge was also working with the FBI “as is customary for agents of influence.” In contrast, Roberts maintains that the FBI, and especially J. Edgar Hoover, remained suspicious and distrustful of Rogge: they “looked at Rogge and saw only Red.” Roberts, The Brother, 257.

 [37] The following is drawn from World Biography , 4058; Current Biography 1948 , 533–5; The Annual Obituary 1981 , 197–8; New York Times, 22 March 1981, obituary.

 [38] Kane, Louisiana Hayride, 315.

 [39] O. John Rogge, “Witch Hunting,” transcript of address delivered at City Club, Boston, Massachusetts, 27 January 1940, 16–17 (NYPL).

 [40] O. John Rogge, “Criminal Law Enforcement and Civil Liberties,” transcript of address delivered at YWCA, Newark, New Jersey, 11 June 1940, 5 (NYPL).

 [41] New York Times, 26 November 1946, 1. See also Dorin, “Truman's ‘Biggest Mistake’,” 229–330.

 [42] Cited in Morgan, Reds, 214.

 [43] New York Times, 4 February 1946, 10; 14 October 1946, 44; 5 December 1947, 4; 4 April 1947, 13. For an extended discussion of the “Brown Scare” and Rogge's role in prosecuting 30 pro-Nazi conspirators in 1944, see Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right, 198–213; Gray, The Nervous Liberals, ch. 6, esp. 224–7 and 236–41. See also Rogge, Official German Report.

 [44] New York Times, 7 October 1947, 53.

 [45] Rogge, “Report on Civil Liberties,” 15.

 [46] In 1947 his law firm Rogge, Fabricant, Gordon and Goldman opened. New York Times, 7 October 1947, 30.

 [47] One of those jailed was Lyman Bradley, a New York University professor of modern language; see Schrecker, No Ivory Tower, 128. Rogge wrote a scathing article about HUAC in relation to this case for the American Federation of Labor Local of which Charlotte Stern (another JAFRC member imprisoned) was Education Director. See O. John Rogge, “Our Vanishing Civil Liberties.” Hotel and Club Voice, 26 February 1948 (Tamiment Library, New York, Charlotte Stern papers, Collection 070, Box 2, Folder 5).

 [48] Personal conversation with Leo Ribuffo, New York, 19 April 2002. Ribuffo interviewed Rogge for his The Old Christian Right (1983).

 [49] Shannon, Decline of American Communism, 205.

 [50] Committee on Un-American Activities, US House of Representatives, Report on the Communist “Peace” Offensive. A Campaign to Disarm and Defeat the United States, Report 378, 1 April 1951 (Library of Congress, Washington), 37.

 [51] NA FO 1110/346, Annexe “A” to Secret memorandum, C. F. A. Warner to Sir William Strang, 25 May 1950. The IRD was a clandestine anti-Soviet propaganda unit established in 1948. It was the brainchild of Christopher Mayhew, then Parliamentary Under-Secretary to Ernest Bevin. In 1950, as an executive committee member of the United Nations Association, Mayhew wrote a long article for the Sheffield Telegraph (13 November 1950), “Democratic Solution Exists Already If You Really Want Peace”. Presumably the timing – the opening day of the Warsaw Congress – was deliberate. On the IRD, see Lashmar and Oliver, Britain's Secret Propaganda War.

 [52] New York Herald Tribune, 25 April 1949, 1, 3. The first congress was the “World Congress of Intellectuals,” at Wroclaw, Poland, in August 1948; the second was a “Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace” at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York in March 1949. For an interesting “behind-the-scenes” discussion of the latter, see Lucas, Freedom's War, 94–6. See also Tuck, The Liberal Civil War, 209–14.

 [53] New York Herald Tribune, 25 April 1949, 3; New York Times, 24 April 1949, 14.

 [54] For a gripping account of the Peekskill riot, see Fast, Being Red, 226–39. See also Marable, W.E.B. Du Bois, 178–9.

 [55] New York Times, 10 September 1949.

 [56] Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 6, no. 4 (April 1950): 128.

 [57] New York Times, 9 March 1950, 9. On the other hand, Rogge subsequently noted that “Ever since my Kremlin speech I have received requests from all over the [United] States to address meetings … I will accept these invitations.” Committee of the World Peace Congress. In Defence of Peace no. 9, April 1950, 57.

 [58] The Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, judged the Stockholm Appeal as a “propaganda trick in the spurious ‘peace offensive’ of the Soviet Union.” New York Times, 13 July 1950, 1.

 [59] See Allan Taylor, “Story of the Stockholm Petition,” New York Times, 13 August 1950, 6E; NA FO 975/54, “The Record of the World Peace Council,” November 1951, 3–4; NAA A1838/1, 851/19/1 Pt. 1A, “Stockholm Appeal,” Memorandum from A. H. Tange to Secretary, Prime Minister's Department, 17 July 1951.

 [60] According to Julius Rosenberg's KGB “handler,” in 1950 a leading Soviet member of the Partisans of Peace, the writer, Ilya Ehrenburg, had been “very much concerned” by Rogge who, allegedly, was “constantly obstructing every decision made by the [peace] movement”. Feklisov and Kostin, Man Behind the Rosenbergs, 296.

 [61] In Defence of Peace no. 9, April 1950, 55–8. This publication contained all the addresses given to the Stockholm Congress; none echoed Rogge's.

 [62] From January 1946 until 29 April 1950, when he was dismissed, Joliot-Curie was the French High Commissioner for Atomic Energy; he was also a prominent member of the French Communist Party and president of the World Federation of Scientific Workers. Within the communist-dominated peace movement he was revered and to attack him from “within,” as Rogge did, was a major step.

 [63] New York Times, 17 August 1950, 6.

 [64] New York Times, 19 August 1950, 6.

 [65] Kahn, “The Case of O. John Rogge,” 15.

 [66] Kartun, Tito's Plot Against Europe; For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy! no. 6 (66), 10 February 1950, 4; no. 5 (65), 3 February 1950, 1; no. 47 (107), 19 November 1950, 2.

 [67] Zilliacus, an independent-minded British Labour MP for Gateshead from 1945 to 1950 was, like Rogge, a supporter of Tito, wrote Tito of Yugoslavia and was similarly vilified in the Communist Party press. See, for example, Klugmann, From Trotsky to Tito, 201–2. Zilliacus and Rogge first met at the first World Peace Congress in Paris; see Potts, Zilliacus, 132. The best study of Zilliacus, not referred to by Potts, remains Watson, “From ‘Fellow Traveller’ to ‘Fascist Spy’,” 59–87. Cassou was a French intellectual and writer and a former leader of the French resistance; see Georgel, Jean Cassou.

 [68] O. John Rogge, Jean Cassou and Konni Zilliacus, “Korea, Yugoslavia and World Peace: Where We Stand,” August 1950, 5. This joint statement was never published but Rogge sent a copy to Jesse M. MacKnight, in the State Department. See National Archives and Records Administration, Washington RG: 59, Misc. Records of the Bureau of Public Affairs, Lot File 61D53, Stack 252/62/14/05/03, Box 72 [henceforth NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72].

 [69] See Zubok and Pleshakov, Inside the Kremlin's Cold War, 125–37.

 [70] Rogge, Cassou and Zilliacus, “Korea, Yugoslavia and World Peace,” 4, 6, 7–8, 10.

 [71] See editorial, Daily Worker, 21 November 1950, 1; transcript of speeches by Charles Howard and Pero Popivoda to the Warsaw Congress, Second World Congress, Warsaw November 16–22 1950 [n.1951], 58, 67; Du Bois, In Battle for Peace, 112; Kahn, “The Case of O. John Rogge,” 19–20; For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy! no. 47 (107), 19 November 1950, 2. Two other prominent American leftists, William Gailmor and Louis Adamic, were also marginalized for writing about the Yugoslavs sympathetically; see Starobin, American Communism in Crisis, 299, n. 7.

 [72] NA FO 1110/347, “Developments in the World Peace Campaign,” “Snuffbox” to P. A. Wilkinson, Information Research Department, 21 August 1950, 8.

 [73] Casey, “Selling NSC-68,” 658.

 [74] Wilford, CIA, British Left and the Cold War, 62.

 [75] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, Memorandum of Conversation, Confidential, 1 November 1950.

 [76] Rogge, Cassou and Zilliacus, “Korea, Yugoslavia and World Peace,” 2.

 [77] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, O. John Rogge, “An Appeal to Moderates,” [nd].

 [78] An indicator of this interest are the voluminous notes and clippings on this subject that can be found in his papers; see O. John Rogge papers 1945–56, Library of Congress, MMC 3504.

 [79] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, Memorandum (classified “Restricted”), MacKnight to Phillips, 19 June 1951.

 [80] NARA RG 59, Misc. Records of the Bureau of Public Affairs, Lot File 61D53, Stack 252/62/14/05/03, Box 72, Memorandum of Conversation, 1 November 1950.

 [81] According to a security report, the British Peace Committee had attempted to obtain the Empress Hall in Earl's Court, London, but that it had been refused on political grounds. NA: FO 1110/375, MI5 paper “Second World Peace Congress Sheffield/Warsaw 1950,” 3, attached to correspondence from MI5 to J. H. Peck (IRD), 30 January 1951.

 [82] In 1950–51 a range of lengthy papers were prepared; see NA FO 975/50, “Peace and Soviet Foreign Policy”; FO 975/54, “The Record of the World Peace Council”; FO 975/64, “Aspects of Peace. A Study in Soviet Tactics”; FO 371/84825, “Russian Strategic Intentions and the Threat to Peace”; PREM 8/1150, “Disarmament and the Soviet Peace Campaign” (ten-page brief for the UK delegation to the UN General Assembly). Briefer documents on communist-organized peace congresses can also be found in PREM 8/966 and 8/1103. All these testify strongly to the importance placed by the British government on this activity.

 [83] NA FO 1110/371, K. G. Younger to J. Chuter Ede, 5 June 1951. This view was shared by Vincent Tewson, the general secretary of the powerful Trades Union Congress, who alleged the peace campaign was “fraudulent” and a “tactic in the strategy of international communism.” Manchester Guardian, 7 September 1950, 6.

 [84] NA PREM 8/1150, Bevin to Attlee, 26 November 1950, Annex, “Aims of the World Peace Movement,” 1.

 [85] See Wittner, One World or None, 177–86.

 [86] Manchester Guardian, 28 September 1950, 8.

 [87] See, for example, successive issues of its weekly World News and Views throughout October and November 1950 (copies located in Marx Memorial Library, London).

 [88] NA FO 1110/370, “Secret” appreciation, “Second World Peace Congress” [p. 1].

 [89] NA PREM 8/1150, A. N. Noble to Bevin, 13 November 1950.

 [90] Phrase coined by Denis Healey. See his “The Trojan Dove” in NA FO 1110/349 and his autobiographical The Time of My Life, 106–7.

 [91] NA FO 1110/349, Information Research Department minute, 7 December 1950.

 [92] NA FO 1110/349, J. Nicholls (British Embassy, Moscow) to Bevin, 4 December 1950; FO 1110/370, Nicholls to Murray, 27 December 1950.

 [93] Cited in Parliamentary Debates (House of Commons), Vol.480, 14 November 1950, p.1561. This speech was judged “a great success” by Downing Street (NA FO 1110/349, Paper by Jordan, 29 November 1950).

 [94] The Times (London), 13 November 1950, 5.

 [95] Rogge was questioned for nearly one hour at Heathrow. Presumably his non-communist credentials were established. The British Foreign Office had already decided that “it would be inadvisable to exclude him.” NA: FO 1110/346, Annexe “A” to Secret memorandum, C. F. A. Warner to Sir William Strang, 25 May 1950.

 [96] Sheffield Telegraph, 14 November 1950, 1.

 [97] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, cable, USIS London to VOA Kaufman New York [nd].

 [98] Sheffield Telegraph, 14 November 1950, 1.

 [99] Sheffield Telegraph, 19 November 1950, 2.

[100] Daily Worker, 16 November 1950, 1.

[101] The Times, 18 November 1950, 5.

[102] New York Times, 17 November 1950, extracted in NAA A1838/283, Item 69/1/1/16/1 Pt.2.

[103] NA FO 1110/349, J. H. Peck to Jordan (PM's office), 1 December 1950.

[104] The following is based on reports in Daily Worker, Challenge, Manchester Guardian, The Times and an interview with one Australian delegate, Roger Wilson.

[105] Stakhanovite-like propaganda was evident: according to the Polish press, the Congress was “inspiring the Polish workers to a spontaneous increase of output.” The Times, 17 November 1950, 3. Similarly: “Polish factory workers joined ‘Peace Shifts’ in honour of the Congress and ran their machines at a still faster pace.” Congress of Peace, Warsaw 1950. Listopad, 1950, 14.

[106] J. D. Bernal, “The Way to Peace,” Labour Monthly 23, no.1 (1950): 13.

[107] Daily Worker, 21 November 1950, p.3.

[108] Interview with Roger Wilson, Melbourne, 14 February 2005. Wilson, then an activist and later an official in the Seamen's Union of Australia, remained a communist until 1984.

[109] NA: FO 1110/347, “Developments in the World Peace Campaign,” paper sent from MI6 to P. A. Wilkinson, Information Research Department, 21 August 1950, 2.

[110] Kane, Louisiana Hayride, 314.

[111] See We Can Save Peace. The Story of the Second World Peace Congress Warsaw 1950, London [1951], 46pp.; Peace: A World Review no. 21, Special Number: “Second World Peace Congress, November 16–22 1950,” 144; Congress of Peace, Warsaw 1950, Listopad, 1950, 160; New Times (Special Supplement, Reports and Documents) no.49, 6 December 1950. All are located in the J. D. Bernal papers, Marx Memorial Library, London.

[112] Burns, “The Warsaw Peace Congress,” 567.

[113] See The Times, 20 November 1950, 5; New York Times, 20 November 1950, 1, 9; National Guardian, 22 November 1950, 5; NA FO1110/349, C. H. Bateman to Ernest Bevin, “Second World Peace Congress at Warsaw, 16th November, 1950,” PR 87/454, 3; Peace: A World Review no.21, Special Number: “Second World Peace Congress, November 16–22 1950,” 99; NAA A1838/283, Item 69/1/1/16/12, extracts from Polish Home Service broadcast, “Rogge Attacks USSR, Courts Chinese,” 19 November 1950.

[114] This position was consistent with that of the Attlee, but not Truman, administration.

[115] New York Times, 20 November 1950, 9.

[116] New York Times, 1, 9.

[117] New York Times, 9.

[118] NAA A1838/283, Item 69/1/1/16/1 Pt. 2, Department of External Affairs Press Cuttings [1950].

[119] This appears confirmed by a Foreign Office report, which noted that “although his speech was distorted in the Polish press, its real content spread through Warsaw like wildfire…” NA FO 1110/349, C. H. Bateman to Ernest Bevin, “Second World Peace Congress at Warsaw, 16th November 1950,” PR 87/454, 3.

[120] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, Memorandum of Conversation, Restricted, 12 December 1950.

[121] National Guardian, 29 November 1950, 6. The 15 Americans elected to the Bureau included Howard Fast, whom – as an executive member of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee – Rogge had earlier defended.

[122] New York Times, 23 November 1950, 4. He stated that at Warsaw the two things he found were “hate and violence. They want peace by force.”

[123] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, Memorandum of Conversation, Restricted, 12 December 1950. The following day, 13 December, he sent to Rogge's New York office the State Department's so-called White Book on China, entitled U.S. Relations with China and referred him to particular sections.

[124] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, Memorandum of Conversation with O. John Rogge, 19 January 1951.

[125] The New Leader, 29 January 1951, 2–4.

[126] Buhle, Encyclopaedia of the American Left, 771–2.

[127] Stoner Saunders, Who Paid the Piper?, 73–84; Barnes, “Democratic Deception,” 308–9.

[128] Wilford, CIA, British Left and the Cold War, 125.

[129] Masses and Mainstream 5, no. 1 (January 1952): 20.

[130] See accompanying editorial, “What Does Mr. Rogge Offer?” The New Leader, 29 January 1951, 4–5. However, it also justified The New Leader's decision to publish Rogge's “exclusive statement”: because the paper “welcome[d] any cleavage in the Soviet front,” and because the article may “encourage others to follow [Rogge] out of the pro-Communist movement.”

[131] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, handwritten statements on memo from MacKnight requesting review and comments, 24 April 1951 (“WRS says he has already told JMM [MacKnight] he does not think this is good” and “PHB doesn't like it at all”).

[132] Wolters, Du Bois and his Rivals, 250. They married one week later, on 14 February.

[133] According to an over-heated New York Herald Tribune editorial (11 February 1950), the PIC represented “an attempt to disarm America and yet ignore every form of Communist aggression.”

[134] Daily Worker, 14 November 1951, 1.

[135] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, Memorandum, MacKnight to Phillips, 19 June 1951. MacKnight added that Rogge “might be extremely useful, for propaganda purposes, if he gets some help to operate at Berlin.”

[136] Unknown to anyone in the United States, in 1951 Hermann Field, an unusual victim of the Slanksy and Rajk show trials in Prague and Budapest, was incarcerated in a Hungarian jail, while Noel spent five years in a secret Polish prison cell for political prisoners. See Field and Field's astonishing Trapped in the Cold War.

[137] Library of Congress Archives, Washington, MMC 3504, Papers of O. John Rogge.

[138] NARA RG 59, Lot file 61D53, Box 72, attachment to correspondence, Rogge to MacKnight, 19 December 1951; correspondence MacKnight to Rogge, 5 January 1952.

[139] See, for example, New York Times, 22 February 1951, 37 (“Rally Backs Du Bois”).

[140] Meyer, Vito Marcantonio, 84–5. Marcantonio represented the ALP in Congress from 1938 to 1950, when he lost his seat.

[141] For accounts of the trial, on which the above is based, see Daily Worker, 14 November 1951, 1, 6; 15 November 1951, 1, 6; New York Times, 14 November 1951, 19; National Guardian, 21 November 1951, 5; Horne, Black and Red, 176–9.

[142] Daily Compass, 22 November 1951, 3.

[143] National Guardian, 28 November 1951, 1

[144] See Kramer, The Twilight of the Intellectuals, ch. 2.

[145] Tuck, The Liberal Civil War, 122.

[146] Hook, Political Power, 217.

[147] See Keller, Liberals and J. Edgar Hoover, ch. 2.

[148] Horne therefore seriously underestimates the complexities of Rogge's position when he contends that, by 1952, he was “thoroughly an apostate.” Horne, Communist Front?, 163.

[149] These were a distrust of both left- and right-wing totalitarianism, a conviction that communism was the greatest threat to true liberalism, and that totalitarianism and democracy could not co-exist.