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Original Articles

Fighting the red peril in the Congo. Paradoxes and perspectives on an equivocal challenge to Belgium and the West (1947–1960)

 

Abstract

A study of the Belgian fight against communism in the Congo can uncover the deeper workings of Belgian colonial ‘foreign’ policy. The principles guiding Belgium and its Western partners in their war against the ‘red threat’ give us vital clues to understanding how Belgian governance worked, and shed new light on the Congolese crisis of 1960–61. This article also gives examples of strategies and influences at play during the Cold War, and significant both for the countries developing them and for those which suffered the consequences.

Notes

1 This study is based on a detailed analysis of the Belgian (Federal Public Service Foreign Affairs (FPSFA), Brussels), British (National Archives, Kew (NAK)) and French (National Overseas Archives (NAO), Aix-en-Provence) diplomatic and colonial archives on the overseas territories and the Congo between 1945 and 1961. The archives of the US State and Defense Departments relating to uranium and the Congo, as well as accessible CIA documents (NARA, Washington) were also consulted. We also studied archives of the Congolese Sûreté and Force Publique (FPSFA, Brussels) and of the major colonial companies (Archives générales du royaume (AGR), Brussels).

2 Among the reference studies, see: Jules Gérard-Libois and Benoît Verhaegen, Congo 1960, t. 1 and t. 2 (Brussels: CRISP, 1961); Madeleine G. Kalb, The Congo Cables: The Cold War in Africa – From Eisenhower to Kennedy (New York: Macmillan, 1982); Jean-Claude Willame, Patrice Lumumba. La crise congolaise revisitée (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Ludo De Witte, Crisis in Kongo. De rol van de Verenigde Naties, de regering Eyskens en het koningshuis in de omverwerping van Lumumba en de opkomst van Mobutu (Leuven: Uitgeverij Van Halewyck, 1996); Maria Stella Rognoni, Scacchiera congolese, materie prime, decolonizzazione e guerra fredda nell’Africa dei primi anni Sessanta (Florence: Polistampa, 2003); Zana Aziza Etambala, De teloorgang van een modelkolonie. Belgisch Congo 1958–1960 (Leuven: Acco, 2008); John Kent, America, the UN and the Decolonisation: Cold War conflict in the Congo (London: Routledge, 2010); Sergey Mazov, A Distant Front in the Cold War: The USSR in West Africa and the Congo, 1956–1964 (Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2010); Lise A. Namikas, Battleground Africa: Cold War in the Congo, 1960–1965 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013).

3 Frederick Cooper, Colonialism in Question : Theory, Knowledge, History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).

4 André Dumoulin and Eric Remacle, L’Union de l’Europe Occidentale, Phénix de la défense européenne (Brussels: Bruylant, 1998), 3; Luc De Vos, Pascal Deloge, Etienne Rooms and Jean-Michel Sterkendries, Documents diplomatiques belges 1941–1960. De l’indépendance à l’interdépendance, t. 2 Défense (Brussels: Académie royale de Belgique, 1998), 16–17.

5 John Kent, “The British Empire and the Origins of the Cold War, 1944–1949,” in Britain and the first Cold War, ed. A. Deighton (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1990), 165–83.

6 Summary records of the meetings held between diplomats from Belgium, France, Great Britain, Luxembourg and the Netherlands for the Union and Consolidation of Western Europe, March 1948, AE 13 216, FPSFA.

7 J. Temmerman, “Le Congo, réduit national belge,” in Congo 1955–1960. Recueil d’études (Brussels: Académie royale des Sciences d’Outre-Mer (ARSOM), 1992), 413–422; Emmanuelle Marlière, Kamina : base militaire et cité gouvernementale, mémoire de licence, Université de Liège, 2008–2009.

8 Louis-François Vanderstraeten, “La Force Publique et le maintien de la ‘Pax Belgica’, 1944–Janvier 1959,” in Congo 1955–1960, 495–524, here 508.

9 On this subject, see Jonathan E. Helmreich, Gathering Rare Ores: The Diplomacy of Uranium Acquisition, 1943–1954 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986); Pierre Buch and Jacques Vanderlinden, L’uranium, la Belgique et les Puissances. Marché de dupes ou chef d’œuvre diplomatique? (Brussels: De Boeck Université, 1995); Gerhard Th. Mollin, Die USA und der Kolonialismus: Amerika als Partner und Nachfolger der belgischen Macht in Afrika, 1939–1965 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1996); Jonathan E. Helmreich, United States Relations with Belgium and the Congo, 1940–1960 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1998); René Brion and Jean-Louis Moreau, De la Mine à Mars. La genèse d’Umicore (Tielt: Lannoo, 2006), 225–52.

10 See the section below on the ‘Crocodile network’.

11 R. Gordon Arneson (assistant to the Secretary of State) to Hugh Millard (Brussels embassy), Washington, 13/06/1950, box 2, CDR 1946–52, RG 84, NARA; Dean Acheson (Secretary of State) to the US embassy in Brussels, Washington, 31/08/1950, box 3734, CDF 1950–54, RG 59, NARA.

12 See the summary records of the meetings and negotiations held between Belgians and Americans from August 1950 to January 1951, in box 2, CDR 1946–52, RG 84, NARA; box 3734, CDF 1950–54, RG 59, NARA, and File 468, FP 2518, FPSFA.

13 Marlière, Kamina, 69–80.

14 “Memorandum from G. Marshall (Defence Secretary) to the Secretary of State and the President of the Atomic Energy Commission, 27/1/1951” in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951, vol. 1, 687–8.

15 See the ensuing Belgo-American correspondence between 1951 and 1953, in box 2, CDR 1946–52, RG 84, NARA; box 3734, CDF 1950–54, RG 59, NARA, and File 468, FP 2518, FPSFA.

16 See, in particular, the report by General Handy, the official responsible for examining military issues in the Congo, annexed to H. Millard’s memorandum to the US Ambassador in Brussels, R. Murphy, 21/3/1951 and R. Gordon Arneson’s letter to H. Millard, Washington, 1/2/1951, box 2, CDR 1946–52, RG 84, NARA.

17 Cabinet of the French High Commissioner for Foreign Affairs to the Military Cabinet of the French Minister for Overseas Territories, 18/1/1952, Col/Affpol/2246, NAO.

18 The reports from Whitehouse and Bearce were sent via the American Consulate in Leopoldville to the State Department, the Defence Department and the Atomic Energy Commission. Copies can be found in box 5071, CDF 1950–54, RG 59, and in the ‘Security in the Congo’ file of the “Office of the Secretary, Special Assistant to the Secretary of State”, RG 59, NARA. See also File 494, UMHK II, AGR.

19 Memorandum drafted on 12/3/1952 by Hugh Millard for the US military representatives at the meeting of the Belgo-American Commission, planned in Brussels; memorandum from the delegate Yates, 14/3/1952, box 2, CDR 1946–52, RG 84, NARA. Earlier references include the summary record of the meeting between Millard and Sengier, 11/9/1950; between Murphy and Sengier, Robiliart and Marthoz (UMHK), Millard and Armstrong (military attaché) on 13/9/1950, and between Robiliart, Eckman and Taylor (US militaries) (summarised by Millard for the State Department, 20/9/1950).

20 Study reports from the working group on defence in the Congo and from the Ministerial Defence Commitee, 1952–1953, File 468, FP 2518, FPSFA.

21 See the correspondence between Western diplomatic services or military staff, 1953–1959, in FP 2537, 2538, 4764, 4765 and AF-1-1/DGP/SC (1958–59), FPSFA.

22 Note from the Belgian Foreign Affairs Ministry, colonial department, 18/3/1952, summarising the content of the Belgo-Portuguese agreements of December 1951, AF-1-42, FPSFA.

23 “Communisme en Afrique noire (territoires extérieurs),” a study by the French External Documentation and Counterespionage Service, 19/5/1950; “La pénétration communiste en Afrique,” a study by the Political Affairs directorate of the French Overseas Territories Ministry, 7/6/1950, Col/Affpol/2246, NAO.

24 Guy Vanthemsche, Genèse et portée du ‘Plan décennal’ du Congo belge (1949–1959) (Brussels: ARSOM, 1994).

25 Boxes 32 and 33, ECA-Congo, RG 469, NARA.

26 Pierre Wigny’s visit to the US, March–April 1952, File 43, Finoutremer 2, AGR and AE 3210, FPSFA.

27 Note from the Policy directorate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, colonial section, Brussels, 23/1/1951, AF-1-1/DG P/SC (1950–1953), FPSFA; telegram from the US Consul in Leopoldville, 15/9/1951, box 5068, CDF 1950–54, RG 59, NARA; J. Willequet, Le Congo et les grandes puissances, 1954, File 13, Delvaux de Fenffe, CEGESOMA. See also Étienne Deschamps, “Acteurs ou témoins? Du rôle de certains patrons-ingénieurs belges au cœur des relations entre l’Europe et l’Afrique centrale” (paper presented at CEHEC doctoral seminar, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium, November 29, 2011).

28 Guy Vanthemsche, La Belgique et le Congo. L’impact de la colonie sur la métropole (Brussels: Le Cri, 2010), 211–15.

29 Frans de Voghel, “La table ronde économique 1960,” in Congo 1955–1960, 229–43; Gaston Eyskens, Mémoires (Brussels: CRISP, 2012), 684.

30 US embassy in Brussels to the State Department, 4/8/1959 and 14/8/1959; memorandum of conversation between the Embassy and Cornelis, Governor General of the Congo, 2/9/1959, with Scheyven, Belgian Minister for the Belgian Congo and for Ruanda-Urundi, 9/10/1959 and with Van den Abeele, general administrator, 19/11/1959; US Consulate in Leopoldville to the State Department, 16/10/1959; US Embassy in Brussels to the State Department, 6/11/1959, box 3428, CDF 1955–59, RG 59, NARA.

31 Whilst in the 1940s, ore from Shinkolobwe, in Katanga, was the most abundant, richest and cheapest source of uranium in the world, the situation had changed by 1955–60. Already in 1956, Union Minière’s share of the world production of uranium had dropped to 10%, and fell to 3% in 1960. South Africa replaced the Congo as the main African producer of uranium: Buch and Vanderlinden, L’uranium, la Belgique et les puissances, 153.

32 US embassy in Brussels to the State Department, 2/9/1959 and 6/11/1959, box 3428, CDF 1955–59, RG 59, NARA.

33 Anne-Sophie Gijs, Le pouvoir de l'absent. Les avatars de l'anticommunisme au Congo (1920-1961), t. 1 (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2016), 225–377.

34 Rendel, British ambassador to Brussels, to E. Bevin, UK Foreign Secretary, 24/7/1948, FO 123 638, NAK; copy of the first political information bulletin from the Congolese Sûreté, June 1950, sent on 4/9/1950 by the Colonial Office to the Foreign Office, JB 1015, FO 371 80296, NAK.

35 Secondary education was only introduced to the Congo in the 1948 reform. The Congo was among the colonised countries with the highest school enrolment rates, but the school attendance pyramid was broad based, and tapered off to a very narrow peak: Jean-Marie Mutamba Makombo, Du Congo belge au Congo indépendant (1940–1960). Émergence des évolués et genèse du nationalisme (Kinshasa: Publications de l’Institut de Formation et d’Etudes Politiques, 1998), 145. The University of Lovanium, moreover, only opened in Leopoldville in 1954, under the Université Catholique de Louvain. The Liberal Minister for Colonial Affairs, Buisseret, set up the official university of the Belgian Congo and Ruanda-Urundi, which opened to students in 1956, as a counterbalance to the Catholic educational option.

36 The Belgian Foreign Affairs Minister, P. van Zeeland, to his Washington ambassador, Brussels, 24/3/1952, AF-1-1/DG P/SC (1950–53), FPSFA; report by colonial affairs advisor E. Gendarme on the quadripartite talks held in Lisbon with France, the UK and Portugal, from 28 to 30 July 1958, AE 2986, FPSFA.

37 Vanthemsche, La Belgique et le Congo, 152; George Padmore, Pan-Africanism or Communism? The Coming Struggle for Africa (London: Dennis Dobson, 1956), 216; Jean Stengers, Congo, mythes et réalités (Brussels: Racine, 2007), 254.

38 Anne-Sophie Gijs, “Nationalisme et communisme au Congo belge (1950–1960): ennemis ou outils des autorités coloniales?,” in L’Afrique belge aux XIXe et XXe siècles. Nouvelles recherches et perspectives en histoire coloniale, ed. P. Van Schuylenbergh, C. Lanneau C. and P.-L. Plasman (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2014), 263–74.

39 Note from Belgium to the NATO expert committee convened to analyse the problem of Communist penetration in Africa, February 1959, File 1813, AE 3285, FPSFA; see also the note from O. Louwers, colonial affairs advisor at the Belgian Foreign Affairs Ministry, 10 February 1959, on the attitude to be taken vis-à-vis the UN, AF-1-1/DG P/SC (1958–59), FPSFA; also Pierre Wigny, Mémoires du Congo, 34, manuscript held in the Archives of the UCL (AUCL).

40 Helmreich, United States Relations, 172.

41 McGregor, Consul in Léopoldville to State Department, 15/7/1955; reaction from US embassy in Brussels, 30/8/1955, box 3426, CDF 1955–59, RG 59, NARA.

42 F.M. Alger, US embassy in Brussels to State Department, 21/3/1956, FRUS 1955–57, vol. XVIII; P.-H. Spaak, Belgian Foreign Affairs Minister to his Washington ambassador, 14/11/1956, AF-1-1/DG P/SC (1956–57), FPSFA: Belgium appreciates the US wish to establish ongoing contact between Belgian and American representatives concerning the colonial issues discussed in the UN. This approach is related to the wish expressed in NATO to break down the divisions which could compromise Western solidarity.

43 Helmreich, 209; Stephen Weissman, American Foreign Policy in the Congo, 1960–1964 (New York: Cornell University Press, 1974), 62.

44 Vanthemsche, La Belgique et le Congo, 127; Paule Bouvier, “La Belgique et l’Afrique Centrale de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale aux années 1970,” in America, Europe, Africa, 1945–1973, ed. E. Remacle and P. Winand (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2009), 271–84, 280–81; Z.A. Etambala, De teloorgang van een modelkolonie, 151ff.

45 Rapport de la Commission parlementaire chargée de faire une enquête sur les événements qui se sont produits à Léopoldville en janvier 1959, submitted to the Chamber of Representatives on 27 March 1959, Parliamentary documents, Belgian Chamber, 1958–59 Session, 7–22.

46 See the files on J. Terfve and A. De Coninck at the Communist Party Archive Centre in Brussels. See reports from the Leopoldville police on this subject in GG 17696, FPSFA and the bulletins from the Congolese Sûreté in AI 4733 to 4742, FPSFA.

47 See the reports from Savinov, Soviet ambassador to Brussels, to the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party, 1959–60. Taken from the Soviet archives in Moscow, they can be viewed at: www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/the-congo-crisis-1960-1961.

48 Louis-François Vanderstraeten, De la Force Publique à l’Armée nationale congolaise. Histoire d’une mutinerie. Juillet 1960 (Brussels: Académie royale de Belgique, 1993).

49 Wigny, Mémoires du Congo, 106–124, AUCL. P. Wigny had been Belgian Foreign Affairs Minister since 1958.

50 See, for example, ibid., 151, 177; Cabot Lodge, US representative to the UN, to the State Department, 14/7/1960, FRUS 1958–60, vol. XIV; telegram from Wigny to his ambassadors in London, Bonn, Paris and Washington, 15/7/1960, A1, MA 13, Wigny Papers, AUCL; A. de Staercke (Belgian representative to NATO) to Belext Bru, 20/7/1960, A3, MA 14, Wigny Papers, AUCL; Wigny-Lodge discussion, 20/7/1960, A1, MA 13, Wigny Papers, AUCL.

51 At the UN Security Council, France and the UK, unlike the US, abstained from voting on the resolution of 14 July 1960, which called for withdrawal of Belgian troops from the Congo once UN forces were ready to take over.

52 Traces of this solidarity can be seen in the correspondence between the French ambassador to Brussels, M. Bousquet and Pierre Wigny, or in the letters from General de Gaulle to King Baudouin (5 AG1168, De Gaulle, French national archives, Paris). See also Jean-Bruno Mukanya and Samir Saul, “Cavalier seul: la France contre les interventions multilatérales durant la crise congolaise, 1960–1963,” Relations internationales, 142, no. 2 (2010): 101–18.

53 Memorandum of conversation with Scheyven, State Department, Washington, 20/7/1960, box 1954, CDF 1960–63, RG 59, NARA; State Department to its mission to the UN, 20/7/1960, FRUS 1958–60, vol. XIV.

54 H. d’Aspremont Lynden, Chef de Cabinet, to his Prime Minister G. Eyskens, 14/7/1960, Vandewalle Papers, Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren; Notes from d’Aspremont to King Baudouin’s Chef de Cabinet, Monsieur Lefébure, 20/7/1960, 104, d’Aspremont Papers, AGR.

55 Wigny to his ambassadors in London, Bonn, Paris and Washington, 15/7/1960 and draft speech by the Belgian ambassador, W. Loridan, to the UN, 19/7/1960, A1, MA 13, Wigny Papers, AUCL; Burden, US ambassador in Brussels, to the State Department, 16/7/1960, box 1978, CDF 1960–63, RG 59, NARA.

56 Speech given by P.-H. Spaak to the North Atlantic Council, summarised in a telegram sent by A. de Staercke to Wigny on 18/7/1960; inteventions by Wigny to the Western bloc ambassadors, and to his delegate to the UN, 18/7/1960. Wigny, Mémoires du Congo, 185–6, 194, 197.

57 The Belgian Prime Minister Gaston Eyskens wrote in his Mémoires, 736–7: ‘Our international position would have been completely different if the Belgian holding companies with interests in the Congo had created mutually-beneficial links with foreign financial groups […] If US financial groups had had a presence in the Congo, the United States would probably have taken a completely different attitude to our country.’ The 17 October 1960 issue of Time noted that in 1960, the main individual US investment in the Congo was the 25% share held by the Ryan and Guggenheim group in la Forminière, and the 3 million dollar share held by the Rockefeller group in Congolese mining and textile production. The total US share, therefore, of all foreign investment in the Congo fluctuated between 1 and 2%: Lise A. Namikas, “Battleground Africa: the Cold War and the Congo Crisis, 1960–1965” (PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2002), 69. In 1961, moreover, US investment in Africa made up only 3.1% of its total global investments, and more than half was in South Africa and Rhodesia: F.T. Ostrander, “US Private Investment in Africa,” Africa Report (January 1969): 38–41, quoted by Claude Roosens, “La sécession katangaise (1960–1963): Aspects fondamentaux, internes et internationaux” (PhD diss., UCL, 1981), 2, 194.

58 On these issues, see in particular: Ilya V. Gaiduk, Divided Together: The United States and the Soviet Union in the United Nations, 1945–1965 (Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2012); Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 110–57.

59 Circular from the State Department, 20/7/1960, summarising the general US position on Katanga and Lumumba, box 1954, CDF 1960–63, RG 59, NARA.

60 Mazov, A Distant Front, 107–11.

61 In September 1960, the UN Ghanaian contingents, for example, twice prevented Lumumba being arrested by the armed forces of Kasa-Vubu and Mobutu. When leaving the Congo in January 1961, the UAR soldiers deployed under the UN flag were ordered by Nasser to leave half their weapons behind for the pro-Lumumba forces under Antoine Gizenga. See the record of the talks between Nasser and the Soviet Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Semenov, 31/1/1961, Moscow, Soviet archives, at www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/the-congo-crisis-1960-1961.

62 Youlou, it is said, helped the Congolese President Kasa-Vubu to draft his declaration, stripping Lumumba of his role of Prime Minister, in early September 1960. He encouraged the opposition in several ways, particularly by spreading intense propaganda about Lumumba from Brazzaville: Reports no. 12 and 19 from the Belgian Sûreté agent in Brazza, 9 and 11/08/1960, 132, d’Aspremont Papers, AGR; US Chargé d’affaires in Brazzaville to the State Department, 24/9/1960, box 1956, CDF 1960–63, RG 59, NARA.

63 On these intrigues, see: Ludo De Witte, L’Assassinat de Lumumba (Paris: Khartala, 2000) and especially the Rapport de la Commission d’enquête parlementaire visant à déterminer les circonstances de l’assassinat de Patrice Lumumba et l’implication éventuelle des responsables politiques belges dans celui-ci (Documents parlementaires, Chambre, 2001–2002, no. 50 0312/006 et 0312/007 du 16 novembre 2001, 2 vol.).

64 See, on this subject, Kalb, Congo Cables; Kent, America, the UN and the Decolonisation; Larry Devlin, Chief of Station, Congo: A Memoir of 1960–67 (New York; PublicAffairs, 2007); Stephen Weissman, “What Really Happened in Congo,” Foreign Affairs 93, no. 4 (2014): 14–24.

65 C.J.L. Collins, “The Cold War Comes To Africa: Cordier and the 1960 Congo Crisis,” The Journal of International Affairs 47, no. 1 (1993): 243–69.

66 D.N. Gibbs, “The United Nations, International Peacekeeping and the Question of ‘Impartiality’: Revisiting the Congo Operation of 1960,” The Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 3 (2000): 359–82.

67 Memorandum of conversation between the French ambassadors to the US and Penfield, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, 1/8/1960; US representative to the UN to State Department, 3/8/1960; US embassy in Leopoldville to the State Department, 9/8/1960, box 1955, CDF 1960–63, RG 59, NARA.

68 US embassy in Leopoldville to State Department, 17/8/1960, box 1955, CDF 1960–63, RG 59, NARA.

69 Sergey Mazov, “Soviet Aid to the Gizenga Government in the Former Belgian Congo (1960–61) as reflected in Russian Archives,” Cold War History 7, no. 3 (2007): 425–37.

70 Charles Quist-Adade, “The African Russians : Children of the Cold War,” in Africa in Russia. Russia in Africa. Three centuries of Encounters, ed. M. Matusevich (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2007, 153–73.

71 Constantin Katsakioris, “Transferts Est-Sud. Échanges éducatifs et formation de cadres africains en Union Soviétique pendant les années 1960,” Outre-Mers 95, no. 354–5 (2007): 83–106. In late 1961, there were 64 Congolese students in the USSR, on the recommendation of Antoine Gizenga.

72 Benoît Verhaegen, “Communisme et anticommunisme au Congo,” Brood en Rozen no. 2 (1999): 113–27. Che Guevara created a Cuban communist enclave in Kwilu, but it disappeared so completely after seven months that its existence only emerged years later.

73 Constantin Katsakioris, “L’Union Soviétique et les intellectuels africains,” Cahiers du monde russe 47, no. 1 (2006): 15–32. Having mixed and debated with Soviet writers or Africanists, therefore, African intellectuals such as George Padmore, Aimé Césaire and Léopold Senghor gradually distanced themselves. They developed their own movements – ‘Pan-africanism’, ‘Négritude’ and ‘African socialism’ – soon denounced by Moscow as ‘racist’ or incompatible with Soviet socialism.

74 Marc Michel, “Colonisation, décolonisation et ‘système monde’,” in Pour l’histoire des relations internationales, ed. R. Frank (Paris: PUF, 2012) 231–54.

75 Alessandro Iandolo, “Imbalance of Power. The Soviet Union and the Congo Crisis, 1960–1961,” Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 2 (2014): 32–55.

76 Anne-Sophie Gijs, “Une ascension politique teintée de rouge. Autorités, Sûreté de l’État et grandes Sociétés face au ‘danger Lumumba’ avant l’indépendance du Congo (1956–1960),” Revue belge d’Histoire contemporaine 42, no. 1 (2012): 11–58.

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