Greek–Turkish Relations and the Kantian Democratic Peace Theory

Abstract

Since the late 1990s, Greek–Turkish relations have undergone significant transformation. Both countries have reengineered their relations towards one another, and Turkey's candidature for EU membership has been an important factor in this transformation. The aim of this article is to examine the shift that has taken place in Greek–Turkish relations through the prism of the Kantian democratic peace theory. A conceptual discussion of the democratic peace theory is followed by a comparative analysis of the political, economic and institutional variables in the case of Greece and Turkey, and a presentation of the progress that has been achieved in many aspects of the bilateral relationship. Given the nature of the unresolved issues that continue to render Greek–Turkish relations vulnerable, the authors conclude that ‘issue management’ will most likely characterize bilateral relations in the short to medium term, hoping that the trends of economic and social exchange, cooperation and interdependence will continue on their current upward path.

Notes

[1] Although these prerequisites might not be exhaustive, we believe that they are at the core of a fully functioning, stable democracy.

[2] Available online at: http://www.rsf.org.

[3] See http://hrw.org/englishwr2k7/docs/2007/01/11/turkey14845.htm.

[4] Article reads as follows: ‘(1) Public denigration of Turkishness, the Republic or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey shall be punishable by imprisonment of between six months and three years. (2) Public denigration of the Government of the Republic of Turkey, the judicial institutions of the State, the military or security structures shall be punishable by imprisonment of between six months and two years. (3) In cases where denigration of Turkishness is committed by a Turkish citizen in another country the punishment shall be increased by one third. (4) Expressions of thought intended to criticize shall not constitute a crime.’ For more information on Article 301, see Amnesty International report, http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGEUR440032006?open&of=ENG‐TUR.

[5] See State Department Human Rights report, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78815.htm.

[6] See Polity Reports, http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/polity/country_reports/Tur1.htm.

[7] See Amnesty International's latest report, http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGEUR440022007?open&of=ENG‐TUR and State Department country report, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78844.htm.

[8] In 1997, the Turkish Army, in the so‐called postmodern coup, triggered the removal of the Islamic‐oriented Prime Minister, Necmettin Erbakan. In 2007, following what appeared to be certain election as President of the AKP foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, the military issued a statement on its website opposing his candidacy (thus the nickname ‘electronic coup’ was generated). This declaration sparked a major constitutional crisis, with spillover effects in Turkish foreign and defence policy, and could lead to destabilization of major proportions.

[9] 2004 data from the Greek Statistical Service.

[10] 2004 data rom the Turkish Statistical Service.

[11] Although the acquisition of Finansbank by the National Bank of Greece is mostly responsible for this increase, more and more Greek firms are investing in the neighbouring country. The total value of this investment was €5 billion, but only half of it was registered in 2006, explaining the difference between total investments and the Finansbank acquisition.

[12] Sources: http://agora.mfa.gr and http://www.capital.gr/news.asp?Details=286593.

[13] Signed 24 August 1949 by 12 countries.

[14] See articles 2–8 of the founding treaty on the principle of collective security and its implementation.

[15] Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia entered in 2004, and Bulgaria and Romania in 2007.

[16] The acquis communautaire is the entire legislation package of the EU, from its founding to the present day, and comprises about 80,000 pages of rules and regulations.

[17] In addition to the political aspects of the non‐recognition of Cyprus, the issue has also sparked a debate among international lawyers. According to some views, given the nature of the EU (a supranational organization aiming at ever closer integration), the moment Turkey initiated its accession negotiations, it implicitly recognized (de facto) the Republic of Cyprus—an EU member state. However, according to other views, the fact that the EU has a legal personality distinct from its member states means that countries in accession negotiations deal directly with the institutions of the EU and not with member states (that is, they reserve the right not to recognize EU member states).