Reform paradoxes: academic freedom and governance in Greek and Turkish higher education

Abstract

This study evaluates the impact of higher education reforms, implemented in the early 1980s in Greece and Turkey, due to preceding student and wider political radicalization, on academic freedom. It highlights a paradox, namely that authoritarian corporatism in Turkey inadvertently facilitated academic freedom in higher education, whereas in Greece participatory majoritarianism ended up stifling academic freedom. Authoritarian corporatism in Turkey mandated the introduction of private universities. These expanded academic freedom within the wider national goal of the country’s European Union membership. Participatory majoritarianism in Greece conversely mandated student organisation participation in the governance of Greek higher education. These acquired powerful rent-seeking interests, which have progressively constricted academic freedom.

Keywords:

• Greece
• Turkey
• academic freedom
• higher education
• private
• public

Acknowledgement

The authors thank Ms. Damla Cihangir for her valuable contribution to the completion of this study.

Notes

1. Indicatively see (Altbach 2011) and (Mazawi 2011).

2. In an interesting contrast, the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations in Ankara hosted only items from those Anatolian Civilizations which could not be claimed by competing nationalisms, Phrygian, Hittite and Urartu art.

3. An example of this was the education reform initiative (ERI), a project launched within the Istanbul Policy Center at Sabanci University with the aim to improve education policy and decision-making through research, advocacy and monitoring. ERI is committed to quality K-12 education for all.

4. The collusion between student organisation and university authorities received scholarly attention subsequent to the 1982 reform and up to currently, see indicatively Grant (1986, 17–31), Pesmazoglu (1994).

5. Similarly, the routine disruption of academic proceedings, conferences and lectures has also been widely discussed in the Greek press. Indicatively, Lakasas (2009).

6. On the question of Article 16, also see Psacharopoulos (2003).

7. POSDEP, rectors, student organizations and the parties of the Greek communist parties, KKE and Synaspismos Rizospastikis Aristeras-Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), have formed an alliance to resist – successfully – the repeal of Article 16. Indicatively, see Mandravelis (2006).

8. POSDEP’s previous leadership, which intensely interacted with student organizations to derail the reforms of higher education by the ND government, has argued that the management of asylum provisions – which determine whether universities would call or not the police to quell disturbances, violence or even criminality – should not be the province only of rectors but should continue to be co-determined with student representatives, see Apekis (2007).

9. This was related to one of the two authors in spring 2006 by an advisor to the then Greek prime minister, Constantine Karamanlis.