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Abstract
Despite the burgeoning literature on coalition work, very little is known about the cooperative potential within social movements. Drawing on archival, interview, and secondary data, we examine cooperation and conflict in the US conservative Christian political movement from 1970 to 1994. We highlight how framing, political elites and intramovement dynamics within the conservative Christian political movement altered the cooperative potential over time. Specifically, we find that the conservative Christian political movement initially had a strong coordinative potential and even engaged in organization building as a way to formalize cross-denominational cooperation. However, as the evangelical wing of the movement sought to build and consolidate its political power, it began to frame issues in ways that reflected a particularized world view regarding the role of the state in fostering a moral society. Other conservative Christian organizations responded by couching their understanding of political issues in their own faith traditions, creating divisions within the movement and ultimately making cooperation impossible. Conceptually, this research broadens how we think about cooperation and points to the importance of specialization and political elites to cooperation within movements.
Acknowledgements
We thank David Meyer, Doug Schrock, Brian Stark, John Reynolds, Dan Tope, Ben Kail, Brandon McCleavy, Brian Doherty, members of the Inequality Working Group at Florida State University and the anonymous reviewers at Social Movement Studies for their comments on earlier drafts of this paper.
Notes
1. Specialization is a term used by resource mobilization scholars to explain organizational structure. As organizations are confronted with diverse problems they become more complex, which necessitates experienced personnel to make the organization function successfully (McCarthy & Zald, Citation1977). Here, we expand this idea to understand movement composition and the potential affect on cooperation.
2. While we are focusing on the political movement, we recognize that cooperation and conflict may work differently in terms of the humanitarian efforts of religious organizations. Groups may oppose one another in the political arena and still cooperate on campaigns such as those to eliminate AIDS and hunger.
3. Protestantism has divisions between mainline groups consisting of such denominations as Episcopalians, Lutherans and Presbyterians and Evangelicals and other sects. Evangelicalism refers to a broad collection of beliefs and practices that transcend any particular denomination. In reference to the contemporary conservative Protestant political movement, the term often is applied to neo-Evangelicals, Pentecostals and Fundamentalists. These groups share a belief in Bible literalism, an emphasis on the importance of the personal conversion experience, and a desire to convert others to their faith. They differ, however, in their views on the relationship between adherents and non-believers. Fundamentalists, for instance, are characterized by rigid adherence to principles, intolerance of other views and opposition to secularism. They regard the broader society as contaminated and desire to separate themselves from its dangerous influences. Pentecostals emphasize individual experience with faith through practices such as faith healing and speaking in tongues, activities that are not oriented to the broader political world. Neo-evangelicalism emerged from a conflict with Fundamentalists regarding the extent to which adherents should maintain ties to the rest of the world. Evangelicals do not draw strict boundaries between religion and politics, and hope to influence society through a variety of avenues including politics (Oldfield, Citation1996; Woodberry & Smith, Citation1998; Wilcox, Citation2000).
4. As Woodberry & Smith (Citation1998) note, categorizing denominations is tricky business because most have limitations. Here, we use such categories such as ‘evangelical’ as shorthand for understanding broad patterns of cooperation and conflict among national religious organizations. In short, it is not our intention to provide comprehensive analyses of different denominations, but to highlight that the conservative Christian political movement is diverse in its conceptualization of a moral society as well as the role of government in fostering it.
5. Interviews primarily were conducted with pro-life activists affiliated with a range of groups including Concerned Women for America, the National Right to Life Committee and Operation Rescue.
6. Organizational materials include archived organizational documents, newsletters, reports, correspondence and press releases.
7. While American history is peppered with religious movements, cross denominational involvement has varied significantly (Kleppner, 1970; Jensen, 1971; Lienesch, Citation1993; Swierenga, 1990). Here, we conceptualize the conservative Christian political movement following the Roe decision as distinct from previous historical periods because national religious organizations did not simply voice support or opposition but got involved in American politics.
8. Interviews with two former presidents of the National Right to Life Committee and a founding member of the National Right to Life Committee.
9. US Senate, Statement of John Cardinal Krol, Archbishop of Philadelphia before the Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments, Judiciary Committee, 7 March 1974, p. 153.
10. US Senate, Statement of David McKay before the Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments, Judiciary Committee, 7 March 1974, p. 318.
11. House of Representatives, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights, H521-2, Proposed constitutional Amendments on Abortion, Part 1, 4 February 1976.
12. Interviews with three founders, two of whom served as the president of NRLC conducted in 2003 and 2004.
13. The appropriations bill contained the federal share of funds to the states for AFDC and Medicaid.
14. Congressional Record, 17 September 1974: 31454.
15. The Browns found a sympathetic audience with New Right leader Paul Weyrich, who provided monetary support for ALL (Blanchard, 1995; Diamond, 1995).
16. Interview conducted with a former National Right to Life Committee president on 9 April 2004.
17. Republican Platform, 1980 (Washington, DC: Republican National Committee), pp. 10–15.
18. Unknown, 28 July 1980 ‘On Traditional Family Values’, Time Magazine. Retrieved via LexisNexis.
19. Priscilla M. Russo, Secretariat for Pro-Life Activities 1978. From ‘The Debate on Family Policy’. Accessed online at the United States Conference on Catholic Bishops on 1 November 2008 at http://www.usccb.org/prolife/issues/nfp/articles.shtml
20. Msgr. James T McHugh, S.T.D.D, Secretariat for Pro-Life Activities 1983. ‘The Person, The Family and Fundamental Choices’. Accessed online at the United States Conference on Catholic Bishops on 1 November 2008 at http://www.usccb.org/prolife/issues/nfp/articles.shtml
21. Richard Doerflinger, Secretariat for Pro-Life Activities 1987. ‘Family Policy in the United States’. Accessed online at the United States Conference on Catholic Bishops on 1 November 2008 at http://www.usccb.org/prolife/issues/nfp/articles.shtml
22. For example, the Church opposed the Sheppard–Towner Act of 1921, which provided funds to states for nutrition and hygiene information for pregnant women and new mothers, because it feared it represented a federal effort to promote birth control. It also opposed a 1959 plan to expand day care services for poor mothers out of concern that it would encourage women to work outside of the home (Letter from Monseigneur Raymond Gallagher to Mrs. Katherine B. Oettinger, Chief, Children's Bureau, Department of Health, Education and Welfare, 27 April 1962. National Archives, Record Group 102, Records of the Children's Bureau, Central File 1958–62, Box 832, File: June 1960–1962, Day Care of Children of Working Mothers; See also Memorandum Re: Day Care from Katherine Oettinger, 1 February 1965, National Archives, Record Group 102, Records of the Children's Bureau, Central File 1958–62, Box 1005, File: July 1963–1968).
23. See the ruling, Wallace v. Jaffree 472 US 38 (1985).
24. For instance, Pat Robertson, the Pentecostal televangelist preacher, sought the Republican Party presidential nomination in 1988. During his campaign, Robertson trained activists in every precinct in the country, creating a grass-roots Christian network to raise funds and recruit volunteers. Vice President George Bush responded to Robertson's challenge by cultivating conservative Christians, meeting individually with evangelical leaders, appointing a religious liaison and discussing his own faith in public settings. Although Robertson lost badly in the primaries, his attempt to capture the party had long-lasting consequences as the Republican Party adopted many of the Moral Majority's campaign issues (Bruce, 1990; Oldfield, Citation1996; Shibley, Citation1998).
25. Christian Coalition website: http://www.cc.org/about_us. Accessed 28 November 2008.
26. ‘Hearings on Women's Health’. Testimony of Helen Alvare, Secretariat for Pro-Life Activities, National Conference of Catholic Bishops, Hearings before the Subcommittee on Health and the Environment, Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of Representatives, 103rd Congress, 2nd Session, 26 January 1994, p. 171.