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Abstract
This work examines how the Alter-Globalization Movement has sustained a transnational presence throughout the ongoing cycle of contention that began in the mid-1990s, even as priorities, leaders, targets, claims, and frames have continuously evolved. It traces the ‘transnational coalescence’ process between the post-Seattle, anti-neoliberal movement and anti-war concerns triggered by the 9/11 attacks and George W. Bush's war on terror, and centers on the protest wave that crested in the global day of action against war on 15 February 2003. Rather than simply an exodus—i.e. ‘spillover’ or ‘spillout’—from one movement to another, or a distinct transnational movement arising spontaneously, key bridge-building organizations have proven crucial in shifting down to harness nascent activist energies by brokering new ties and reinvigorating old ones as well as frame-extending between emerging and extant concerns, in order to scale back up as a broader transnational movement for Global Peace and Justice.
Este trabajo examina la manera como el Movimiento de Alterglobalización ha sostenido una presencia trasnacional a lo largo del ciclo de controversia, que comenzó a mediados del decenio de 1990, aun cuando los líderes, los objetivos, las demandas y las estructuras hayan evolucionado continuamente como prioridades. Este movimiento traza el proceso ‘trasnacional de coalescencia’ entre el movimiento anti-neoliberal, post-Seattle y las inquietudes antibélicas provocadas por los ataques de 9/11 y la guerra contra el terrorismo de George W. Bush y los centros en la ola de protesta, que subió al máximo en el día global de acción contra la guerra el 15 de febrero de 2003. En vez de un simple éxodo—es decir ‘desbordamiento’—de un movimiento a otro o del surgimiento espontáneo de un movimiento trasnacional distinto, las organizaciones vinculantes claves han probado ser cruciales en reducir las energías activistas emergentes, mediante la intermediación de nuevos nexos y la revitalización de los viejos, tanto como la extensión del marco entre las inquietudes emergentes y las existentes, para volver a incrementarse como un movimiento trasnacional más amplio para la Paz y Justicia Global.
另立全球化运动始于20世纪90年代中期，其重点、领导者、目标、主张和框架在历次争论中不断演变。本文考察了另立全球化运动是如何在历次争论中维持其跨国存在的。本文回顾了后西雅图时期的反新自由主义运动和由9.11恐怖袭击及布什的反恐战争引发的反战担忧之间的跨国联合进程，并把以2003年2月15日的全球反战行动为高潮的抗议浪潮作为研究中心。另立全球化运动不是简单的“溢出”，即从一种运动转向另一种运动，不是一种独特的自发产生的跨国运动，而是要发展为一种更广泛的追求全球和平与正义的跨国运动。为实现这一点，通过建立新纽带、重振旧纽带和包括新兴、现存问题的框架，关键的搭桥组织在管理新兴活动分子方面发挥了关键的作用。
이 글은 1990년대 중반에 시작된 저항의 순환 속에서 대안 세계화 운동이 우선 순위, 지도자, 목표, 요구와 프레임의 지속적인 진화를 겪으면서도 어떻게 초국적인 모습을 유지하고 있는지를 검토한다. 이 글은 포스트 시애틀 반신자유주의 운동과 9.11 테러와 부시의 테러와의 전쟁에 의해서 촉발된 반전 운동 간의 초국적 융합을 추적하고, 2003년 2월 15일 전지구적인 반전 행동의 날에 드러난 저항의 물결에 초점을 맞춘다. 단순히 하나의 운동에서 다른 운동으로 탈출 – 확산이나 dl이전- 혹은 자생적으로 성장한 특별한 초국적 운동이라기보다 조직들을 연결시키는 핵심적인 조직들이 지구적 평화와 정의를 위한 광범위한 초국적 운동으로 규모를 확대하기 위해서 기존의 관심과 새로운 관심을 연결시키는 프레임뿐만 아니라 새로운 네트워크를 연결시키고, 기존의 네트워크를 되살려 초기 운동가들에게 에너지를 불어 넣는데 매우 중요하다는 것이 판명되었다.
Notes
My decision to use coalesce instead of miscibility was due the nature of the words themselves: the aim is to trace a process rather than describe a state of being, so a verb—to coalesce—rather than a noun—miscibility—is warranted. Vasi uses the former in defining the latter, and thus the two are used interchangeably throughout this work.
For a detailed scholarly treatment of 2/15 based on survey research in eight countries, see Walgrave and Rucht Citation(2010). For a photographic record of the day's events, see Hello NYC Citation(2003).
UFPJ's main competitor, ANSWER, emerged three days after the attacks. It is reminiscent in tone, framing, organizational style, targets, and solidarity alliances of more militant anti-war and anti-imperialist movements abroad, including the SWP/GR-Islamist alliance that was forged in the UK, discussed below. For an examination of this fractious relationship, see Heaney and Rojas Citation(2008).
Whereas in previous campaigns, faith-based groups would be largely Christian charities, given the targets of the ‘war on terror’, SWP/GR activists bridged to both mainstream and more militant Muslim organizations, some of which voiced blanket support for Iraqi resistance as well as Hezbollah and Hamas. This proved to be a bridge too far for a number of non-SWP allies and anti-war sympathizers, and caused considerable spillout from GR and eventual demobilization of the peace movement in the UK (see Reitan, Citation2009).
Prominent anti-war members have been Stop the War coalitions from the UK and Greece, the APA, South Africa's Anti-War Coalition, Japan's Peace Boat, the Mexican Serapaz, and India's Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace. Alter-globalization groups include Global Exchange, Brazil's Movimento dos Sem Terra (MST) and the global Via Campesina it helped establish, the World March of Women against poverty and patriarchy, the South American Hemispheric Social Alliance, Red Mexicana de Acción frente al Libre Comercio, and ATTAC Japan.
In the 2011 Edelman Trust Barometer poll of elite citizens in 25 countries (screened by criteria of income and education), trust in their own governments plummeted nearly 10 points from 2010 to 43%, while just over half (56%) trust ‘business’ and only 38% find corporate CEOs to be ‘credible spokespeople’. Disaffection and distrust is even higher in the core economies and democracies: American elites are more disaffected than the international average (exactly one half distrust business), while in Germany, France, and Spain the disaffection rates run to 2/3 and even higher. See Edgecliffe-Johnson Citation(2012).
