https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3918-0144
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ABSTRACT
This paper offers an interpretation of the ideology expressed by Jair Bolsonaro, current president of Brazil, as a Brazilian far-right neoliberal nationalism, which typically distinguishes between the members of the nation and its traitors and enemies, creating an authoritarian atmosphere of governance combined with the defense of neoliberal values. To establish the bases that sustain this ideology, we investigate four key arenas of his administration – family issues; the anti-left rhetoric; the call for a mixed-race identity; and Brazilian foreign policy. We sustain that Bolsonaro’s discourse, instead of revealing a fragmented political project, actually articulates a powerful and authoritarian image of the Brazilian nation, while also reinforcing the idea of individual entrepreneurship and traditional morality. Although this project is deeply informed by past national ideological traditions, it is also aligned with the expansion of the far right internationally and sheds light to its dynamics in periphery countries.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank André Kaysel, Carolina Salgado, Henrique Costa, Henrique Gasperin, the two anonymous reviewers and the editors of this special issue for the comments and conversations that have contributed to the ideas presented in this paper.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
3 For a review of these perspectives, see Harmes (Citation2012).
5 His older son and his wife are involved in a corruption scheme of deviation of parliamentary funds. See: https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/2020/06/19/rachadinha-relacao-com-familia-bolsonaro-e-prisao-entenda-o-caso-queiroz.
9 About these episodes, see Lago (Citation2020) and Gugliano (Citation2020).
10 We owe this idea to André Kaysel (electronic communication).
12 The investigation acted to impede former president Lula da Silva's candidacy for president in 2018. Its main judge, Sergio Moro, became Bolsonaro’s first Minister of Justice.
16 On Carvalho’s ideas and their impact on Brazilian society, see Rocha (Citation2021) and Chaloub and Perlatto (Citation2015).
20 Pardo is an official category to designate ‘mixed race’. In 2019, according to IBGE, pardos encompassed 46.8% of the population. ‘Preto’ (Black) accounted for 9.4%, white, 42.7% and ‘Yellow’ or Indigenous, 1.1%. The Black group are comprised of pretos and pardos.
21 This term is often employed to designate miscegenation processes.
22 Presently, there are discussions about the role of rape and power relations concerning the formation of a mestiço nation.
23 Many leaders of Black movement groups died or ‘were disappeared’ following military action (http://memoriasdaditadura.org.br/cnv-e-negros/) and hundreds were sent to prison and/or tortured.
28 The Mercosur symbol was replaced by the Republic coat of arms in the Brazilian passport, as a way of ‘valuing the homeland symbol’.
32 For example, on negotiations that involve the trade of goods such as ethanol and steel, but also on trade and agreements with other countries, such as China.
44 On the defense of Bolsonarism as a far-right populism as opposed to nationalism, see Machado (Citation2020). On Bolsonaro’s potential fascism, see Webber (Citation2020b) and Singer et al. (Citation2020).
45 During his campaign, Bolsonaro said he would shoot PT activists. See: https://exame.com/brasil/vamos-fuzilar-a-petralhada-diz-bolsonaro-em-campanha-no-acre/. Later, he said that public officials who were obstructing the environmental license given to a businessman ally should be sent to the ‘tip of the beach’, making reference to the Marambaia sandspit, a place where political prisoners were executed during the military regime. See: https://epoca.globo.com/guilherme-amado/bolsonaro-sugere-lugar-de-execucao-da-ditadura-paraservidores-publicos-1-24056200.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
Sue A. S. Iamamoto
Sue A. S. Iamamoto is a professor of political science in the Federal University of Bahia (Brazil). She holds a PhD from Queen Mary University of London and is the author of Nacionalismo boliviano en tiempos de plurinacionalidad (OEP, 2013). Her current research interests are social movements; memory studies; democracy and political representation; and political ecology. Contact: [email protected].
Maíra Kubík Mano
Maíra Kubík Mano is a professor of feminist theory in the Federal University of Bahia (Brazil). She holds a PhD from Campinas State University (UNICAMP) and is the author of Atuar como mulheres – um olhar sobre a política institucional (Appris, 2020). Her current research interests are authoritarianism and democracy; political representation; legislative behaviour; and feminist epistemologies. Contact: [email protected]
Renata Summa
Renata Summa is a post-doctoral researcher at the International Relations Institute – Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). She holds a PhD in International Relations from the same institution and is the author of Everyday boundaries, borders and post-conflict societies (Palgrave, 2020). Her current research interests are mobility, belonging, and international political sociology (IPS). Contact: [email protected]