Preliminary Thoughts on the Dynamics of Music Printing in the Iberian Peninsula during the Sixteenth Century

Abstract

Music printing in the Iberian Peninsula has been little studied and rarely has this specialized aspect of book production been considered in the broader context of more general trends in printing there during the sixteenth century. Music historiography has tended to assume that music printing failed to flourish because of poor local demand. However, more recent evidence, including analysis of book inventories, suggests that there was a thriving market, based on both international and local distribution, but that the printing of music books was affected by many of the factors that beset printing in general, including the expense of importing high quality paper, limited availability of specialized fonts and the socio-economic vicissitudes of individual printers. This essay explores the dynamics of the production of and market for music books through analysis of three major cities – Seville, Barcelona and Madrid – which appeared to offer the right conditions but which ultimately produced only a limited number of editions.

Notes

¹Sebastián Aguilera de Heredia, Canticum Beatissimae Virginis Deiparae Mariae (Zaragoza: Cabarte, 1618; facs. ed. Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico, 1990); Sebastián Aguilera de Heredia, ‘Canticum Beatissimae Virginis Deiparae Mariae’, ed. Barton Hudson, Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 71 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1975), xi: ‘Opus meum (quale quale illus siet) vt praelo mandaretur, Clavium, Temporum scilicet, figuras, spationum, tonorumque; characters metallo incidi, et puris ex metricibus, ut eruerentur caravi; Typographoque excudendum tradidi …’. These words are cited in Tess Knighton, ‘Libros de canto: The Ownership of Music Books in Zaragoza in the Early Sixteenth Century’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing in the Iberian World, ed. Iain Fenlon and Tess Knighton (Kassel: Reichenberger, 2006), 215–39 (p. 223).

²See Stanley Boorman, ‘Early Music Printing: Working for a Specialized Market’, in Print Culture in the Renaissance: Essays on the Advent of Printing, ed. Gerald P. Tyson and Sylvia S. Wagenheim (Newark: Univ. of Delaware Press, 1986), 220–45.

³Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley/Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1961), 171–72 and 179–86.

⁴The liturgical books with chant printed before 1500 are listed in Antonio Odriozola, ‘Un incunable más y un incunable menos’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 34 (1960), 156–64, and discussed in more detail in Antonio Odriozola, ‘Los tipógrafos alemanes y la iniciación en España de la impresión musical (1485–1504)’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 35 (1961), 60–70, especially at 68–70, and in Antonio Odriozola, Catálogo de libros litúrgicos españoles y portugueses, impresos en los siglos XV y XVI (Pontevedra: Museo de Pontevedra, 1996). See also Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, ‘A propósito de un Manuale Chori of 1539’, in De Musica Hispana et aliis: Miscelánea en honor al Prof. Dr. José López-Calo, S.J., coord. Emilio Casares and Carlos Villanueva, 2 vols (Santiago de Compostela: Univ. de Santiago de Compostela, 1990), I, 263–74; and Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, ‘Spanish Plainchant Publications to 1601’, Inter-American Music Review, 16:2 (2000), 3–16.

⁵The importance of the production of liturgical books for the Iberian printing trade is discussed in Marius Bernadó, ‘Impresos litúrgicos: algunas consideraciones sobre su producción y difusión’, in Fuentes musicales en la Península Ibérica, ed. Maricarmen Gómez and Marius Bernadó (Lleida: Univ. de Lleida, 2001), 253–69, especially at pp. 258–59. See also Vicente Bécares, ‘Aspectos de la producción y distribución del Nuevo Rezado’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 1–23.

⁶Bernadó, ‘Impresos litúrgicos’, 255. However, there appears to have been more overlap in the production by a single printing-house of the different kinds of music-books (liturgical, theoretical and polyphonic) than in Italy (see Boorman, ‘Early Music Printing’, 223); almost all the printers discussed in the case studies presented below printed books of chant and polyphony or vihuela intabulations.

⁷Work remains to be done in this field, but see the important studies by John Griffiths, ‘The Printing of Instrumental Music in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, Revista de Musicología, 16 (1993), 3309–21 and ‘Printing the Art of Orpheus: Vihuela Tablatures in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 181–214. See also Antonio Corona-Alcalde, ‘The Fernández de Córdoba Printers and the Vihuela Books from Valladolid’, Lute Society of America Quarterly, 40 (2005), 20–30.

⁸Ascensión Mazuela, ‘Artes de canto en el mundo ibérico renacentista: producción, distribución-consumo y usos a través del Arte de canto llano (1530) de Juan Martínez’ (DEA diss., Universidad de Granada, 2009), 70–71.

⁹Stanley Boorman, ‘Printing and Publishing of Music, 2: Woodblock Printing’, in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. John Tyrell and Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2001), Vol. XX, 329–31.

¹⁰Frederick J. Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal, 1501–1520 (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1978); see ‘Liturgies’.

¹¹Reproduced in Iain Fenlon, Music, Print and Culture in Early Sixteenth-Century Italy (London: The British Library, 1995). On Verardi's work, see Historia Baetica de Carlo Verardi: drama humanístico sobre la toma de Granada, ed. María Dolores Rincón González (Granada: Univ. de Granada, 1992).

¹²See Elisa Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel la Católica. Arqueología de un patrimonio escrito (Salamanca: Instituto de Historia del Libro y de la Lectura, 2004), 513–14. Two editions of Verardi's work were printed in Spain before 1500: one in Salamanca in about 1494 and the other in Valladolid in about 1497, but without music.

¹³Domingo Marcos Durán, Súmula de canto de órgano, contrapunto y composición vocal e instrumental (Salamanca: Juan de Porras, 1503; facs. ed. of the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas, 1976); and see the introductory study by Carlos Romero de Lecea, Introducción a los viejos libros de música (Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas, 1976), 127. On Durán as theorist, see M^a del Pilar, ‘Domingo Marcos Durán. Un teórico musical extremeño del Renacimiento. Estado de la cuestión’, Revista de Musicología, 22:1 (1999), 91–127. Juan de Porras was also responsible for the c.1494 edition of Verardi's Historia Baetica.

¹⁴This practice was not confined to mensural notation, however. Printers of liturgical books also left blank staves for the chant notation to be added by hand from manuscript exemplars: see Odriozola, ‘Los tipográficos alemanes’, 60–61, and Boorman, ‘Early Music Printing’, 230.

¹⁵Francisco de Tovar, Libro de Música Práctica (Barcelona: Juan Rosembach, 1510; facs. ed. Viejos Libros de Música 6, Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas, 1976). See Samuel Rubio, El ‘Libro de música práctica’ de Francisco Tovar, Las Más Antiguas Imprentas Musicales Hispanas IV/F (Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas, 1978), 109. Other musical signs, such as clefs, for which no fonts existed, also had to be written in by hand.

¹⁶Rubio, El ‘Libro de música práctica’, 109–14.

¹⁷Gonzalo Martínez de Bizcarguí, Arte de canto llano, contrapunto y canto de órgano (Zaragoza: Jorge Coci, 1508; facs. ed. of the edition by Fadrique de Basilea, Burgos, 1511, in Viejos Libros de Música 8, Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas, 1976). It is interesting to note that when Coci had his possessions inventoried in 1537, music type (‘notas de canto’) was included, but this probably refers to chant notation. See Knighton, ‘Libros de canto’, 222–23.

¹⁸Cristle Collins Judd, Reading Renaissance Music Theory: Hearing with the Eyes (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 2000), 19.

¹⁹An example from Salinas is reproduced in Iain Fenlon, ‘Music Printing and the Book Trade in Late-Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth-Century Iberia’, in Music and the Book Trade from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century, ed. Robin Myers, Michael Harris and Giles Mandelbrote (London: Oak Knoll Press/The British Library, 2008), 1–24 (p. 3).

²⁰Corona-Alcalde, ‘The Fernández de Córdoba Printers’, 26.

²¹On the distribution in Spain of the Liber Quindecim Missarum, where it was generally referred to as ‘Las quince misas de Josquin’, see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI’, Pliegos de Bibliografía, 15 (2001), 37–62 (I); 16 (2001), 33–46 (II); 17 (2002), 17–54 (III), especially at (I), pp. 48–49. See also Tess Knighton, ‘Music Books in Zaragoza in the Mid-16^th Century’, in Música y cultura urbana en la Edad Moderna, ed. Andrea Bombi, Juan José Carreras and Miguel Ángel Marín (Valencia: Univ. de Valencia, 2005), 337–49 (p. 344); and Fenlon, ‘Music Printing and the Book Trade’, 15–17.

²²Boorman, ‘Printing and Publishing of Music’.

²³On the presence of Petrucci's editions in Spain in the early decades of the sixteenth century, see Tess Knighton, ‘Petrucci's Books in Early Sixteenth-Century Spain’, in Venezia 1501: Petrucci e la stampa musicale. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Venezia, 10–13 Ottobre 2001, ed. Giulio Cattin and Patrizia Della Vecchia (Venezia: Edizioni Fondazione Levi, 2005), 623–42.

²⁴See Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música’; Vicente Bécares and Alejandro Luis Iglesias, La librería de Benito Boyer. Medina del Campo, 1592 (Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y León, 1992); Knighton, ‘Petrucci's books’ (on Joan Guardiola); Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Script and Print: The Transmission of Non-Iberian Polyphony in Renaissance Barcelona’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 299–328 (on Joan Lauriet); and Trevor J. Dadson, ‘Music Books and Instruments in Spanish Golden-Age Inventories: The Case of Don Juan de Borja (1607)’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 95–116.

²⁵As discussed below, in Spain the composer was often responsible for purchasing the paper required for the printing of his book.

²⁶See Dadson, ‘Music Books and Instruments’, 103 and 110; Mazuela, ‘Artes de canto’, 35–38. Anglès’ brief survey of Spanish printed music books, published in 1968, was the first attempt to list the books known to have been printed in the Iberian Peninsula: Higinio Anglés, ‘Der Musiknotendruck des 15.–17. Jahrhunderts in Spanien’, in Musik und Verlag. Karl Vötterle zum 65. Geburtstag am 12 April 1968, ed. Richard Baum & Wolfgang Rehm (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1968), 145–49.

²⁷It is not the intention of this essay to analyse the historiography on music printing in Spain, but to note that revision is needed in the light of recent research, especially that by Alejandro Luis Iglesias on little studied and lost editions and by John Griffiths on the instrumental anthologies; their studies are cited throughout this essay.

²⁸Maurice Esses, Dance and Instrumental ‘diferencias’ in Spain during the 17 ^th and Early 18 ^th Centuries, 2 vols (Stuyvesant: Pendragon Press, 1992), I, 103.

²⁹Carlos José Gosálvez Lara, La edición musical española hasta 1936 (Madrid: Asociación Española de Documentación Musical, 1995): ‘no concurrieron las condiciones necesarias para que se diera en este campo un proceso similar al de otros paises …’ (24). The importance of considering music printing in Spain in the broader context of developments in the general book trade there is clear.

³⁰Christian Peligry, ‘Les Éditeurs lyonnais et le marché espagnol aux XVI^e et XVII^e siècles’, in Livre et lecture en Espagne et en France sous l'Ancien Régime (Paris: Éditions A.D.P.F, 1981), 85–93.

³¹Iain Fenlon, ‘Artus Taberniel: Music Printing and the Book Trade in Renaissance Salamanca’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 117–46; and Fenlon, ‘Music Printing and the Book Trade’, 7. On the market for music books in the New World, see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música para el Nuevo Mundo en el siglo XVI’, Revista de Musicología, 24:1–2 (2001), 39–66.

³²Knighton, ‘La circulación de la polifonía’, 345–46.

³³Luis Robledo, Tess Knighton, Cristina Bordas Ibáñez, Juan José Carreras, Aspectos de la cultura musical en la corte de Felipe II, Patrimonio Musical Español 6 (Madrid: Editorial Alpuerto, 2000), 395–408. See also, Michael Noone, ‘Printed Polyphony Acquired by Toledo Cathedral, 1532–1669’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 241–72 and Juan Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de Canto de Órgano. Creación y pervivencia del repertorio del Renacimiento en la actividad musical en la Catedral de Sevilla (Granada: Junta de Andalucía, Consejería de Cultura, 2007)—for Toledo and Seville Cathedrals respectively.

³⁴On the placing and use of music books, manuscript and printed, at the lectern, see Fernández de la Cuesta, ‘Spanish Plainchant Publications’, 4; Fenlon ‘Artus Taberniel’, 138–41, and Fenlon, ‘Music Printing and the Book Trade’, 140–41.

³⁵A good example is the series of choirbooks produced by Juan Esquivel with the support of the Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo in the first decade of the seventeenth century. See Clive Walkley, ‘Juan Esquivel: An Unknown Spanish Master Revisited’, Early Music, 29 (2001), 76–92, and Clive Walkley, Juan Esquivel: A Master of Sacred Music during the Spanish Golden Age, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music 10 (Woodbridge, The Boydell Press, 2010), 51–54; Fenlon, ‘Music Printing and the Book Trade’, 6; and Robert J. Snow, The 1613 Print of Juan Esquivel de Barahona, Detroit Monographs in Musicology 7 (Detroit: Information Coordinators, 1968).

³⁶Klaus Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca y su prensa: contribución al estudio de la imprenta y de la bibliografía sevillanas del siglo XVI (Sevilla: Univ. de Sevilla, 1982), 31. See also Griffiths, ‘Printing the Art of Orpheus’, 202.

³⁷Antonio de Cabezón, Obras de música para tecla, arpa y vihuela recopiladas y puestas en cifra por Hernando de Cabezón, su hijo (Madrid, 1578), ed. Higinio Anglés, Monumentos de la Música Española 27–29 (Barcelona: CSIC, 1966).

³⁸Griffiths, ‘Printing the Art of Orpheus’, 191 and 205.

³⁹For example, the bookshop of Benito Boyer, see Bécares and Iglesias, La librería de Benito Boyer.

⁴⁰See the discussion in Tess Knighton, ‘Morales in Print: Distribution and Ownership in Renaissance Spain’, in Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception, ed. Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2007), 161–75; and Alejandro Luis Iglesias, ‘El maestro de capilla Diego de Bruceña (1567/71–1623) y el impreso perdido de su Libro de Misas, Magnificats y Motetes (Salamanca: Susan Muñoz, 1620)’, in Encomium Musicae. Essays in Memory of Robert J. Snow, ed. David Crawford (Hillsdale: Pendragon Press, 2002), 435–69, especially at pp. 455 and 460–66.

⁴¹Suzanne G. Cusick, Valerio Dorico, Music Printer in Sixteenth-Century Rome (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981), 2–5, 16–18. On the Guinta family in Spain, see William Pettas, History and Bibliography of the Giunti (Junta) Printing Family in Spain 1526–1628 (New Castle: Oak Knoll Press, 2005). Another possible and intriguing point of contact, for which, it must be said, no evidence has yet emerged, might have been the composer Francisco de Peñalosa who served in the papal chapel for several years from 1517, and was a favourite of Pope Leo X, dedicatee of the Liber Quindecim Missarum. Could he have taken on responsibility for organizing a consignment of Antico's book to Spain on his return to Seville following Pope Leo's death in 1521? For Peñalosa's biography, see Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague: Martin Nijnhoff, 1960), 145–51. See also Laurent Guillo, Les Éditions musicales de la Renaissance lyonnaise (Paris: Klincksieck, 1991), 35–38.

⁴²Knighton, ‘Morales in Print’.

⁴³Klaus Pietschmann, ‘A Renaissance Composer Writes to His Patrons: Newly Discovered Letters from Cristóbal de Morales to Cosimo I de Medici and Cardinal Alessandro Farnese’, Early Music, 28 (2000), 383–400 (p. 383).

⁴⁴Pietschmann, ‘A Renaissance Composer’, 387.

⁴⁵François Reynaud, La Polyphonie tolédane et son milieu: des premiers témoignages aux environs de 1600 (Paris: CNRS, 1996), 113.

⁴⁶Knighton, ‘La circulación de la polifonía’, 343–44.

⁴⁷For examples concerning the volumes of instrumental music, see Griffiths, ‘Printing the Art of Orpheus’; John Griffiths, ‘Venegas, Cabezón y las “obras para tecla, harpa y vihuela” ’, in Cinco siglos de música de tecla española—Five Centuries of Spanish Keyboard Music, ed. Luisa Morales (Garrucha [Almería]: Asociación Cultural Leal, 2007), 153–68; and John Griffiths and Warren E. Hultberg, ‘Santa María and the Printing of Instrumental Music in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, in Livro da homenagem a Macario Santiago Kastner, ed. Maria Fernández Cidrais Rodrigues, Manuel Morais and Rui Vieira Nery (Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1992), 345–60.

⁴⁸Alejandro Luis Iglesias, ‘Andanzas y fortunas de algunos impresos musicales españoles del siglo XVI: Fuenllana y Pedro Guerrero’, in El libro antiguo español, IV: Coleccionismo y bibliotecas (siglos XV–XVIII), ed. María Isabel Hernández González (Salamanca: Univ. de Salamanca, 1998), 461–503 (pp. 463–68). Iglesias’ arguments, which are based on the fact that Pedro's book of motets is bound together with his brother Francisco's Sacrae cantiones in the index of João IV's music library, and that a volume of sonnets and madrigals in the vernacular was more likely to have been printed in Spain than Italy (although a volume of villancicos was indeed published in Venice by Scotto in 1556), are plausible, though they remain speculative.

⁴⁹Alejandro Luis Iglesias, ‘Amargas horas de los tristes días en una inédita colección española de madrigales espirituales’, in El libro antiguo español. Actas del Segundo Coloquio Internacional, ed. María Luisa López-Vidriero & Pedro M. Cátedra (Salamanca: Univ. de Salamanca, 1992), 263–83 (p. 264); and Alejandro Luis Iglesias, ‘Manuscritos e impresos con polifonía en la Catedral de Palencia: 1535–1633’, in Actas del II Congreso de Historia de Palencia, coord. María Valentina Calleja González, 5 vols (Palencia: Diputación Provincial, 1989), V, 293–304. The publication of a book of music for wind-band by Pedro de Porras y Morales is suggested by reference to its acquisition in a number of cathedral chapter acts.

⁵⁰For a summary of what is known about Juan de León, see Juan Delgado Casado, Diccionario de impresores españoles (siglos XV–XVII), 2 vols (Madrid: Arco/Libros, 1996), I, 381–82. See also Aurora Domínguez Guzmán, El libro sevillano durante la primera mitad del siglo XVI (Sevilla: Diputación Provincial de Sevilla, 1975), 50–51.

⁵¹Clive Griffin, The Crombergers of Seville: The History of a Printing and Merchant Dynasty (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 169.

⁵²Clive Griffin, Journey-Men Printers, Heresy, and the Inquisition in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Oxford: Oxford U. P., 2005), 166.

⁵³Samuel F. Pogue, Jacques Moderne: Lyons Music Printer of the Sixteenth Century (Genève: Librairie Droz, 1969), 34, 40. Pogue suggests that Moderne might have secured (or copied) his music type from Pierre Attaingnant who began using moveable type in 1528. See Boorman, ‘Early Music Printing’, 226; Daniel Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, Royal Printer of Music (Berkeley/Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1969); and Guillo, Les Éditions musicales, 45–49. One of the first music books printed by Moderne in Lyons was his Liber decem missarum which, like the ‘Quince misas de Josquin’, circulated fairly widely in Spain.

⁵⁴Music type was available elsewhere by the 1560s, notably in Valladolid; see Corona-Alcalde, ‘The Fernández de Córdoba Printers’, and Griffiths and Hultberg, ‘Santa María and the Printing of Instrumental Music’.

⁵⁵ Juan Vásquez, Villancicos i canciones, ed. Eleanor Russell, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 104 (Madison: A-R. Editions, 1995), viii–ix. Russell states that ‘Vásquez enjoyed the service of a competent artisan for his first published edition’ (ix), but does not provide any further information on the printing of this volume. The title-page, colophon and f. [Aiii] of Vásquez's publication are reproduced at pp. xviii–xx.

⁵⁶Bibliographical details in Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca, 70–72.

⁵⁷Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca, 33–35. Wagner suggests that it would appear that Montesdoca took over from León as far as music printing was concerned (35).

⁵⁸The contract is reproduced in Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca, 114–15.

⁵⁹Bibliographical details in Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca, 75.

⁶⁰Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca, 31.

⁶¹Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca, 36 and 114. By the time Guerrero published his second volume of motets, in Venice in 1570, Montesdoca was long gone and there appears to have been no music printer in Seville.

⁶²These details are discussed in Wagner, Martín de Montesdoca, 36–38.

⁶³On Jaume Cortey, see Delgado Casado, Diccionario de impresores españoles, I, 163–64, and Mercè Dexeus, ‘Pere Botín y el inicio de la imprenta de Jaume Cortey’, in El libro antiguo español. Actas del Primer Coloquio Internacional (Madrid, 18 al 20 de diciembre de 1986), ed. María Luisa López-Vidriera and Pedro M. Cátedra (Salamanca, Univ. de Salamanca, 1988), 147–54. On printing in Barcelona, see Josep Maria Madurell i Marimón, Documentos para la historia de la imprenta y librería en Barcelona (Barcelona: Gremios de Editores, de Libreros y de Maestros Impresores, 1955); Agustín Millares Carlo, ‘Introducción al estudio de la historia y bibliografía de la imprenta en Barcelona en el siglo XVI: los impresores del período renacentista’, Boletín Millares Carlo, 2 (1981), 9–120; and Agustín Millares Carlo, ‘La imprenta en Barcelona en el siglo XVI’, in Historia de la imprenta hispana (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1982), 491–643.

⁶⁴See the article by José Romeu Figueras, ‘Notas a la bibliografía del músico Pere Alberch Vila’, Anuario Musical, 26 (1971), 75–92.

⁶⁵Romeu Figueras, ‘Notas a la bibliografía’, 83.

⁶⁶Griffin, Journey-Men Printers, 136–37.

⁶⁷Knighton, ‘Petrucci's Books’.

⁶⁸On Gotard, see: Delgado Casado, Diccionario de impresores españoles, I, 292–94; Josep Maria Madurell i Marimón, ‘Antiguos fundadores de letras en Barcelona’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 44 (1970), 289–97; and Josep Maria Madurell i Marimón, ‘Hubert Gotard’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 46 (1972), 188–96.

⁶⁹Marius Bernadó, ‘Estudi preliminar’, in Joan Brudieu, Madrigals (Barcelona: Hubert Gotard, 1585), facs. ed. (Lleida: Univ. de Lleida i Patromonio Nacional, 2001), 9–35 (p. 21).

⁷⁰Madurell i Marimón, ‘Hubert Gotard’, 194.

⁷¹The details presented here are based on Bernadó, ‘Estudi preliminar’.

⁷²Bernadó, ‘Estudi preliminar’: ‘remediarli alguna necessitat y particularment segons nos ha senyalat per imprimir en Barcelona certes obres de música’ (24).

⁷³Bernadó, ‘Estudi preliminar’: ‘acordé de servir a V.A. con esta parte más apacible y gustosa como son los madrigales, por entender cuán inclinado está V.A. a semejantes ejercicios …’ (47).

⁷⁴On the Typographia Regia and printing in Madrid, see: Cristóbal Pérez Pastor, Bibliografía madrileña o descripción de las obras impresas en Madrid, 3 vols (Madrid: Tipografía de Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1891–1907); Ricardo Valladores Roldán, Orígen y cultura de la imprenta madrileña (Madrid: Diputación Provincial, 1981); Yolanda Clemente San Roldán, Tipobibliografía madrileña: la imprenta en Madrid en el siglo XVI (1566–1600) (Kassel: Reichenberger, 1988); Consolación Morales Borrero, La Imprenta Real de Madrid desde su fundación hasta fines del siglo XVIII (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Madrileños, 1976); Pettas, A History and Bibliography of the Giunta, especially pp. 67–74.

⁷⁵Pettas, A History and Bibliography of the Giunta, 67–69.

⁷⁶On Juan Flamenco, see Delgado Casado, Diccionario de impresores españoles, I, 238, and Pettas, A History and Bibliography of the Giunta, 73.

⁷⁷On the production of this volume, see Lavern J. Wagner, ‘Some Considerations on Plantin's Printing of De La Hèle's Octo Missae’, Die Gulden Passer, 64 (1986), 49–66; for its distribution in the Iberian Peninsula, see Jean-Auguste Stellfeld, Bibliographie des éditions plantinennes (Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1949), 32–41; for a concise summary, see Fenlon, ‘Music Printing in Renaissance Iberia’, 11–12.

⁷⁸Paul Becquart, Musiciens néerlandais à la cour de Madrid: Philippe Rogier et son école (1560–1647) (Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1967), 47–52; Paul Becquart, ‘Quatre documents espagnols inédits rélatifs à Philippe Rogier’, Revue Belge de Musicologie, 14 (1960), 126ff.; and Pérez Pastor, Bibliografía madrileña, III, 462–63.

⁷⁹Guy Bourligueux, ‘Géry de Ghersem, sous-maître de la Chapelle Royale d‘Espagne (Documents inédits)’, Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, 2 (1966), 163–78.

⁸⁰Becquart, Musiciens néerlandais, 91–92.

⁸¹Bourligueux, ‘Géry de Ghersem’, 176–77.

⁸²María Gembero Ustárroz, ‘Circulación de libros de música entre España y América (1492–1650): notas para su estudio’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 147–79, especially at pp. 170–74.

⁸³Documents relating to Victoria's involvement with the Typographia Regia are reproduced in Pérez Pastor, Bibliografía madrileña, III, 518–21.

⁸⁴See Pérez Pastor, Bibliografía madrileña, III, 415.

⁸⁵Pérez Pastor, Bibliografía madrileña, III, 518–20.

⁸⁶‘… en papel ordinario e quartilla conforme y del tamaño que se ynprimen en Venenzia’, cited in the introduction to the reproduction of Victoria's correspondence, Tomás Luis de Victoria, Cartas (1582–1606), ed. Alfonso de Vicente (Madrid: Fundación Caja Madrid, 2008), 28.

⁸⁷See Tomás Luis de Victoria, ed. Vicente, 31–32.

⁸⁸Jane A. Bernstein, Print Culture and Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice (New York/Oxford: Oxford U. P., 2001), 111.

⁸⁹ Tomás Luis de Victoria, ed. Vicente: ‘e traido a España la ympresion y echo algun gasto’ (28).

⁹⁰Higinio Anglés, ‘A propósito de las ediciones originales de Victoria’, Ritmo, 11:141 (Dec. 1940), 91–101 (pp. 99 ff). Whether this was the type that was later used in the Limido and López de Velasco publications has yet to be ascertained.

⁹¹See Jaime Moll, De la imprenta al lector. Estudios sobre el libro español de los siglos XVI al XVIII (Madrid: Arco/Libros, 1994): ‘unas matrices de canto de organo grande, tasadas en cient reales … unas matrizes de canto de organo chico, tasadas en cient reales …’ (136). Thus, even though the same type was apparently used in the choirbooks produced by Artus Taberniel and his heirs in Salamanca from 1607 to 1613 (i.e., before Julio Junta's death), it cannot have been the same set, and Taberniel must have used the same matrices (see Fenlon, ‘Artus Taberniel’, 137, and Fenlon, ‘Music Printing and the Book Trade’, 15, although Fenlon is unaware of the reference to the type in Junta's will). Such a transfer of printing material would not be surprising given Junta's close connections with the trade in Salamanca.

⁹²See Iglesias, ‘Manuscritos e impresos’, 298 and Tomás Luis de Victoria, ed. Vicente, 30.

⁹³Pettas, A History and Bibliography of the Giunti, 71–74.

⁹⁴A further reference to a music book that appears never to have been printed has recently come to light: in 1565 the music theorist Francisco de Montanos obtained a royal licence to print a volume of madrigals. Although no printer is named, Montanos was based in Valladolid and it would seem likely that he would have had in mind the local Fernández de Córdoba family which had already produced a number of music-related books and which in 1592 published Montanos’ Arte de música theórica y práctica. See Cristina Diego Pacheco, ‘Circulación y producción del madrigal en España durante el siglo XVI: el caso de Francisco de Montanos’, Revista de Musicología, 32:2 (2009), 34–49 (pp. 48–49).

⁹⁵Owen Rees, ‘Printed Music, Portuguese Musicians, Roman Patronage: Two Case Studies’, in Early Music Printing and Publishing, ed. Fenlon and Knighton, 275–98.

⁹⁶Jane A. Bernstein, Music Printing in Renaissance Venice: The Scotto Press (1539–1572) (New York/Oxford: Oxford U. P., 1998), 495–97.