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Abstract
More than a guide for painters, Vicente de Carducho's Diálogos de la pintura has long been recognized to promote painting as a liberal art and to advocate for the creation of an academy of painting in seventeenth-century Madrid. But questions of patriotic belonging and prestige are also at stake in this erudite treatise. In his prologue, Carducho prioritizes his allegiance to his adopted city even while acknowledging his debts to his native Florence. The first part of this article argues that the treatise serves to showcase that allegiance as it participates in a project to make the young political capital a great cultural centre. The second part makes the case for Carducho as a practitioner who understood the debt he owed to the visual culture of his adopted homeland while remaining true to the aesthetic principles of his Florentine training. His late depictions of saints in adoration of the crucifix provide a focus for examining a religious sensibility subtly informed by Spanish devotional literature.
Notes
1 Vicente Carducho, Diálogos de la pintura. Su defensa, origen, esencia, definición, modos y diferencias (Madrid: Francisco Martínez, 1633), f. [¶¶3]. Spelling is modernized throughout. In using ‘Vincencio’ in our main text, we follow Carducho’s title-page.
2 For overviews, see Macarena Moralejo Ortega, ‘Zuccari and the Carduchos’ and Rebecca J. Long, ‘Italian Training at the Spanish Court’, in On Art and Painting: Vicente Carducho and Baroque Spain, ed. Jean Andrews, Oliver Noble Wood & Jeremy Roe (Cardiff: Univ. of Wales Press, 2016), 205–23 and 223–40 respectively. Carducho's debts to Italian theory are amply demonstrated in Vicente Carducho, Diálogos de la pintura, ed., prólogo & notas de Francisco Calvo Serraller (Madrid: Turner, 1979).
3 Álvaro Pascual Chenel & Ángel Rodríguez Rebollo, Vicente Carducho: dibujos. Catálogo razonado [exhibition catalogue] (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2015).
4 Memorial informatorio por los pintores en el pleito que tratan con el señor fiscal de su majestad en el Real Consejo de Hacienda sobre la exención del arte de la pintura, ed. Antonio Sánchez Jiménez, Adrián Sáez, Antonio Urquízar & Juan Luis González García (forthcoming).
5 On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, see above note 2.
6 Rogers Brubaker & Frederick Cooper, ‘Beyond “Identity” ’, Theater and Society, 29:1 (2000), 1–47. For a fascinating study of processes of identification, see Saúl Martínez Bermejo, ‘ “Parecer em Italia romano, em França parisiense, e ullysiponense em Portugal”: Rafael Bluteau, estratégias identitarias e mediação cultural, 1668–1734’, in Repensar a identidade do mundo ibérico nas margens da crise da consciência europeia, ed. David Martín Marcos, José María Iñurritegui & Pedro Cardim (Lisboa: CHAM, 2015), 285–300.
7 See Mary Crawford Volk, Vicencio Carducho and Seventeenth-Century Castilian Painting (New York: Garland, 1977), 98–108; Zygmunt Wázbiński, ‘Los Diálogos de la pintura de Vicente Carducho: el manifiesto del academicismo español y su origen’, Archivo Español de Arte, 63:251 (1990), 435–47.
8 Marta Bustillo, ‘Carducho and Ideas about Religious Art’, in On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, 163–82 (pp. 164–66).
9 Jerónimo Quintana, A la muy antigua, noble y coronada villa de Madrid. Historia de su antigüedad, nobleza y grandeza (Madrid: Imprenta del Reino, 1629), f. [¶4r].
10 José A. Nieto Sánchez, Artesanos y mercaderes: una historia social y económica de Madrid, 1450–1850 (Madrid: Editorial Fundamentos, 2006), 85. On the artistic implications of Flemish immigration, see Abigail D. Newman, ‘Juan de la Corte: The “Branding” of Flanders Abroad’, in Art and Migration: Netherlandish Artists on the Move, 1400–1750, ed. Frits Scholten, Joanna Woodall & Dulcia Meijers (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 264–302.
11 Anne Cayuela, Alonso Pérez de Montalbán: u n librero en el Madrid de los Austrias (Madrid: Calambur, 2005), 25.
12 William B. Jordan, Juan van der Hamen y León and the Court of Madrid (New Haven: Yale U. P., 2005), 45–50.
13 Félix Díaz Moreno, ‘Teoría y práctica del arte de la guerra en el siglo XVII español’, Anales de Historia de Arte, 10 (2000), 169–205 (pp. 171, 177–78).
14 See Enrique García Santo-Tomás, Espacio urbano y creación literaria en el Madrid de Felipe IV (Pamplona: Univ. de Navarra/Madrid: Iberoamericana/Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert, 2004).
15 See also Javier Portús, Pintura y pensamiento en la España de Lope de Vega (Hondarribia: Nerea, 1999), 86.
16 That nostalgia comes out with particular poignancy in Maestro's response to Discípulo's laudatory description of his visit to Florencia in the first Dialogue, discussed below: ‘Agradézcote la lisonja, que si bien es mi Patria, salí della de tan poca edad, que casi no tengo memoria de cosa alguna. Y así he escuchado todo con tanta novedad, como ufano de ser hijo de quien tan bien sabe honrar a quien lo merece: y casi como en sueños me acuerdo de las Casas de campo que tienen aquellos príncipes [ … ]’ (f. 15r).
17 See Tamar Herzog, Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America (New Haven: Yale U. P., 2003), 35–36.
18 My thanks to Andrew Laird and Tanya Tiffany for suggesting Carducho's interest in invoking Seneca for his Spanishness, as in the following: Juan Pablo Mártir Rizo, Historia de la vida de Lucio Anneo Séneca Español (Madrid: Juan Delgado, 1625).
19 See Maurizio Viroli, For Love of Country: An Essay on Patriotism and Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford U. P., 1995), 18–19; Xavier Gil Pujol, ‘Un rey, una fe, muchas naciones: patria y nación en la España de los siglos XVI y XVII’, in La monarquía de las naciones: patria, nación y naturaleza en la monarquía de España, ed. Antonio Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño & Bernardo J. García García (Madrid: Fundación Carlos Amberes, 2004), 39–76 (pp. 39–45); I. A. A. Thompson, ‘Castile, Spain and the Monarchy: The Political Community from Patria Natural to Patria Nacional’, in Spain, Europe and the Atlantic World, ed. Richard L. Kagan & Geoffrey Parker (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1995), 125–69 (pp. 126–29).
20 Sebastián de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana, o española (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1611), s.v. ‘patria’.
21 James Amelang, ‘The Myth of the Mediterranean City: Perceptions of Sociability’, in Mediterranean Urban Culture 1400–1700 (Exeter: Univ. of Exeter Press, 2000), 15–30 (p. 15). See also Richard L. Kagan, Urban Images of the Hispanic World, 1493–1793 (New Haven: Yale U. P., 2000), especially Chapter 1, ‘Urbs and Civitas’.
22 James Hankins, ‘Machiavelli, Civic Humanism and the Italian Politics of Virtue’, Italian Culture, 32:2 (2014), 98–109 (pp. 101, 105).
23 See Diálogo 7, 118v–119 in which Carducho explains the multiple civic functions that make the art of drawing ‘muy necesario para la República’: among them, the creation of effigies of great men as models for posterity, maps crucial for defence, pictures needed for knowledge of medicinal plants. This section of Carducho's treatise follows a petition to Philip III to found a royal academy of drawing (see Francisco Calvo Serraller, La teoría de la pintura en el Siglo de Oro [Madrid: Cátedra, 1981], 165–68, n. 7).
24 Jonathan Brown, ‘Academies of Painting in Seventeenth-Century Spain’, in Academies of Art Between Renaissance and Romanticism, Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, V–VI (1986–1987), 177–85 (p. 182).
25 See Jeremy Lawrance, ‘Carducho and the Spanish Literary Baroque’, in On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, 19–70 (pp. 35–37) and Laura R. Bass, The Drama of the Portrait: Theater and Visual Culture in Early Modern Spain (University Park: Pennsylvania State U. P., 2008), 28–29.
26 See Hans Baron, From Petrarch to Leonardo Bruni. Laudatio Florentinae Urbis: Studies in Humanistic and Political Literature (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1968), which includes Bruni's text, 232–63.
27 Volk, Vicencio Carducho, 88, n. 31; Wázbiński, ‘Los Diálogos de la pintura de Vicente Carducho’, 436, n. 10.
28 Brown, ‘Academies of Painting in Seventeenth-Century Spain’, 180. The petition was most recently transcribed in Calvo Serraller, La teoría de la pintura en el Siglo de Oro, 169–77. Brown's 1624 dating draws on Mary Crawford Volk, ‘Addenda: The Madrid Academy’, The Art Bulletin, 61:4 (1979), 627.
29 Brown, ‘Academies of Painting in Seventeenth-Century Spain’, 180; Calvo Serraller, La teoría de la pintura en el Siglo de Oro, 169.
30 Carducho seems to be drawing from the proverbs, ‘patria est, ubicumque est bene’ in Marcus Tullius Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, V, 37, 108; and, ‘Illic enim patria est, ubi tibi sit bene’ in Erasmus’ Adagio, translating Aristophanes’ Plutus. My thanks to Saúl Martínez for these likely sources.
31 Las Siete Partidas del rey don Alfonso el Sabio, cotejada con varios códices antigutios por la Real Academia de la Historia, 3 vols (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1807), III, 130. See Gil Pujol, ‘‘Un rey, una fe, muchas naciones’, 41–50; Herzog, Defining Nations, Chapter 4.
32 María Luisa Caturla, ‘Documentos en torno a Vicencio Carducho’, Arte Español. Revista de la Sociedad Española de Amigos de Arte, 26 (1968–69), 145–221 (p. 151).
33 Vecindad applied to local communities (villages, towns, cities). While less precisely defined in Castilian legislation than naturaleza, it was similarly granted to those who could demonstrate a long-term commitment to the community (e.g., through the ownership of property, marriage and residence) (see Herzog, Defining Nations, Chapter 2). I have not been able to locate a petition by Carducho for vecinidad; however, notarial documents point to him acquiring that status between 1628 and 1630: among the documents published by Volk is a 1628 letter of payment in which he appears as a ‘residente’; on the other hand, in their will and testament of 1630, both Carducho and his wife appear as ‘vecinos desta V[illa] de Madrid’ (Volk, Vicencio Carducho, 329; Caturla, ‘Documentos en torno a Vicencio Carducho’, 151).
34 Francisco Pacheco, El arte de la pintura, ed., intro. & notas de Bonaventura Bassegoda i Hugas (Madrid: Cátedra, 1990), 191; Bassegoda i Hugas notes that Pacheco must have written these words before the 1633 publication of the Diálogos, a passage of which Carducho had taken from Pacheco without acknowledgment, see 191, n. 64.
35 See Javier Portús, El concepto de pintura español: historia de un problema (Madrid: Verbum, 2008), 24–27.
36 Within the dialogues themselves, the idyllic evocations of the Manzanares where Discípulo and Maestro meet, identified by Lawrance (‘Carducho and the Spanish Literary Baroque’), as one of the literary aspects of the book, further tie it to the laus urbis.
37 Lope de Vega, Isidro (1599), ed., intro. & notas de Antonio Sánchez Jiménez (Madrid: Cátedra, 2010), 166. Addressing Madrid's patron himself, Lope will make a similar claim in canto IV, lines 31–46, insightfully glossed by Sánchez Jiménez, p. 316, n. 580. On Lope's madrileñismo in Isidro, see also Antonio Sánchez Jiménez, Lope pintado por sí mismo: mito e imagen del autor en la poesía de Lope de Vega Carpio (Woodbridge: Tamesis, 2006), 113–19.
38 The inventory of Carducho's extensive library includes a title ‘Historia de las Grandezas de Madrid’ with no author, as in the case of most of the books listed, so it could have referred to Gil González Dávila's Teatro de las Grandezas de Madrid published in 1623. Calvo Serraller, however, identifies Quintana as the author in his discussion of the contents of Carducho's library (Carducho, Diálogos de la pintura, ed. Calvo Serraller, xxiv–xxv); this seems plausible given that Quintana's book was much more properly a historical chronicle than González Dávila's Teatro.
39 Lawrance, ‘Carducho and the Spanish Literary Baroque’, 37–42.
40 The classic study on the poems and engravings in the Diálogos is George Kubler, ‘Vicente Carducho's Allegories of Painting’, Art Bulletin 47:4 (1965), 439–45. See also Wázbiński; ‘Los Diálogos de la pintura de Vicente Carducho’; Portús, Pintura y pensamiento, 94–95; and Antonio Sánchez Jiménez, ‘Vincencio Carducho y Lope de Vega: los grabados de los Diálogos de la pintura y la silva “Si cuanto fue posible en lo imposible” ’, in press (I am grateful to the author for sharing the manuscript in advance of its publication).
41 Lawrance, ‘Carducho and the Spanish Literary Baroque’, 40; Marta P. Cacho Casal, Francisco Pacheco y su ‘Libro de retratos ’ (Sevilla: Fundación Focus-Abengoa/Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2011), 169.
42 Carducho favourably mentions Pacheco's book in the fifth Dialogue in a variant edition of his treatise, making reference to a poem he composed in honour of Bartolomeo Carduchi (Cacho Casal, Francisco Pacheco, 25–26); see also Cacho Casal, ‘Observations on Readership and Circulation’, in On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, 105–18.
43 The ‘Índice de los genios de Madrid’ was published as an appendix to Juan Pérez de Montalbán's Para todos: exemplos morales y divinos (Huesca: Pedro Blusón, 1633 [1st ed. Madrid, 1632]); two additional authors who contributed to Carducho's Diálogos appear in the accompanying ‘Memoria de los que escriben comedias en Castilla’: José de Valdivielso and Francisco López de Zárate. A separate modern edition of the ‘Indice’ and the ‘Memoria’ was published by Maria Grazia Profetti, ‘J. Pérez de Montalbán: “Índice de los genios de Madrid”’, Anales del Instituto de Estudios Madrileños, 18 (1981), 535–89.
44 See Carducho, Diálogos de la pintura, ed. Calvo Serraller, xvi–xvii; Volk, Vicencio Carducho, 109–10.
45 Brown, ‘Academies of Painting in Seventeenth-Century Spain’, 180.
46 Pacheco, El arte de la pintura, ed. Bassegoda i Hugas, 206.
47 Jonathan Brown, Painting in Spain: 1500–1700 (New Haven: Yale U. P., 1998), 116.
48 Quoted in Julián Gállego, Diego Velázquez (Madrid: Anthropos, 1983), 61–62; Antonio Palomino Velasco, El museo pictórico y escala óptica, tomo segundo (Madrid: Viuda de Juan García Infanzón, 1724), 327.
49 Jonathan Brown & John H. Elliott, A Palace for the King: The Buen Retiro and the Court of Philip IV (New Haven: Yale U. P., 2003 [1st ed. 1980]), 43. See also Tanya Tiffany, Diego Velázquez's Early Paintings and the Culture of Seventeenth-Century Seville (University Park: Pennsylvania State U. P., 2012), especially Chapter 5.
50 It is worth nothing that many of the religious buildings had royal sponsorship. See Jesús Escobar, The Plaza Mayor and the Shaping of Baroque Madrid (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 2004), 34–35.
51 Sor Aldonza de Ayala, Colocación de la milagrosa imagen del glorioso patriarcha Santo Domingo el Soriano. Procesión y otavario solemne que se celebró en su capilla (Madrid: Francisco Martínez, [1638]), f. 4r. Aldonza Ayala appears as the author of the dedicatoria to Isabel de Borbón and is probably the author of the relación itself. See Nieves Baranda Leturio, Bibliografía de escritoras españolas, s.v. ‘Aldonza de Ayala’, <www.bieses.net> (accessed 26 July 2016). See also Bustillo, ‘Carducho and Ideas about Religious Art’, 177–78.
52 Pedro Paulo de San José, Lo sucedido desde Domingo 9 de Marzo hasta Martes 18 del mismo del año 1631; en que se celebró en la muy Noble Villa de Madrid, Corte de sus Magestad, en el Hospital de Antón Martín, la Beatificación del Bienaventurado San Juan de Dios [ … ], in Relaciones breves de actos públicos celebrados en Madrid de 1541 a 1650, ed. José Simón Díaz (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Madrileños, 1982), 400–05 (p. 401). My thanks to María José del Río for alerting me to this reference.
53 Fray José de Sigüenza, La fundación del Monasterio de El Escorial, prólogo de Antonio Fernández Alba (Madrid: Turner, 2004), 239. See Portús, El concepto de pintura español, 30–33.
54 Sigüenza, La fundación del Monasterio de El Escorial, prólogo de Fernández Alba, 261.
55 Later in the treatise, Carducho will identify Sánchez Coello as a ‘Lusitano famoso’ (f. 154v), underscoring his aim to counter Sigüenza's complaint about Italian dominance at El Escorial with abundant examples of ‘Spanish’ painters.
56 See, for example, Jusepe Martínez, Discursos practicables del nobilísimo arte de la pintura, ed., intro. & notas de María Elena Manrique Ara (Madrid: Cátedra, 2006), 295.
57 Juan de Jáuregui, [Dicho y deposición], in Carducho, Diálogos, ff. 189v–203r, f. 201v.
58 Portús, El concepto de pintura español, 32–35.
59 Antonio Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño, ‘Introducción’, in La monarquía de las naciones, ed. Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño & García García, 29–36 (p. 32); Elena Sánchez de Madariaga, ‘Caridad, devoción e identidad de origen: las cofradías de naturales y nacionales en el Madrid de la Edad Moderna’, in Devoción, paisaje e identidad: las cofradías y congregaciones de naturales en España y en América (siglos XVI–XIX), ed. Óscar Álvarez Gila, Alberto Ángulo Morales, Jon Ander & Ramos Martínez (Bilbao: Univ. del País Vasco, 2014), 17–32 (pp. 19–20). See also Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘La preeminencia del Consejo de Italia y el sentimiento de la nación italiana’, in La monarquía de las naciones, ed. Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño & García García, 505–27.
60 See Caturla, ‘Documentos en torno a Vicencio Carducho’, 148–49; José Juan Pérez Preciado, ‘Art Aficionados at Court’, in On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, 119–48.
61 See Matías Fernández García, Parroquía madrileña de San Sebastián: algunos personajes de su archivo (Madrid: Caparrós, 1995); on Carducho and his family, see pp. 144–46.
62 Pérez Preciado, ‘Artists and Collectors’, 123–27.
63 Sigüenza, La fundación del Monasterio de El Escorial, prólogo de Fernández Alba, 239.
64 Pascual Chenel & Rodríguez Rebollo, Vicente Carducho, 27–28.
65 Jonathan Brown, ‘¿Quién es Vicencio Carduchi?’, in Pascual Chenel & Rodríguez Rebollo, Vicente Carducho, 15–16 (p. 16); Carducho painted three contemporary historias for the Salón de Reinos of the Buen Retiro palace in 1634, recounting the Victory at Fleurus (in 1622; P00635), the Recapture of Rheinfelden (in 1633; P00637) and the Relief of Constance (also in 1633, both effected by the Duke of Feria; P00636).
66 A smaller version of this scene, St Bruno, is kept on loan from the Prado at the Museo de Málaga (1632; P03262).
67 Long, ‘Italian Training at the Spanish Court’, 228.
68 Jean Andrews, ‘Carducho's Late Holy Families and Decorum’, in On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, 189–94; Rosemarie Mulcahy, Philip II of Spain, Patron of the Arts (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), 16.
69 Carducho, Diálogos de la pintura, ed. Calvo Serraller, 368, n. 938.
70 Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de’ piu eccellenti pittori scultori, e architettori (Firenze: i Giunti, 1568), 358–65 (p. 363; my translation).
71 Robert W. Gaston, ‘Vasari and the Rhetoric of Decorum’, in The Ashgate Research Companion to Giorgio Vasari, ed. David J. Cast (Farnham/Burlington: Ashgate, 2014), 245–260 (pp. 256–57).
72 Vasari, Le vite de’ piu eccellenti pittori scultori, 364; my translation.
73 Carducho, Diálogos de la pintura, ed. Calvo Serraller, 370, n. 941.
74 Juan Luis González García, ‘Carducho and Sacred Oratory’, in On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, 149–62.
75 Juan Ceverio de Vera, Viaje de la tierra santa y descripcion de Jerusalem y del santo monte Libano (Pamplona: Nicolás de Asiaín, 1613); Agustín de Benavente, Luz de las luzes de Dios, resplandor de las llagas de Christo, empleo del pensamiento christiano (Valladolid: Viuda de Francisco Fernández de Córdoba, 1628); Bustillo, ‘Carducho and Ideas about Religious Art’, 167. Benavente is listed in the inventory of his pupil, Francisco Rici, the son of a Bolognese painter, Antonio Rizzi, who had, like Bartolomeo Carduchi, come to work at the Escorial under Federico Zuccaro. See Alfonso E. Pérez Sánchez, ‘Francisco Rizi’, in Pintura barroca en España, ed. Benito Navarrete Prieto (Madrid: Cátedra, 2010), 282–86 (p. 282).
76 See Alfonso G. Rodríguez de Ceballos, ‘The Art of Devotion: Seventeenth Century Spanish Painting and Sculpture in its Context’, in The Sacred Made Real, ed. Xavier Bray [exhibition catalogue] (London: National Gallery, 2010), 45–57, 49–50, for a discussion of Jesuit influence on the dissemination of crucifixes in churches.
77 Fernando Benito Domenech, ‘La fundación y el fundador’, in his Museo del Patriarca Valencia (Valencia: IberCaja, 1991), 9.
78 Obras completas del Beato Maestro Juan de Ávila, biografía, intros, ed. & notas de Luis Sala Balust, 6 vols (Madrid: Editorial Católica, 1952–1953), I (1952), Epistolario. Escritores menores, 1045–50.
79 Ávila, Epistolario. Escritores menores, ed. Sala Balust, 1046–47.
80 David Martin Kowal, ‘The Life and Art of Francisco Ribalta’, PhD Dissertation (University of Michigan, 1981; Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 2005), 235–36; Domenech, Museo del Patriarca Valencia, 69, fig. 86 (p. 70).
81 Ronni Baer, ‘El Greco to Velázquez: Artists of the Reign of Philip III’, in El Greco to Velázquez: Art During the Reign of Philip III, ed. Sarah Schroth & Ronni Baer [exhibition catalogue] (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 2008), 41–76 (pp. 62–66); Fernando Benito Domenech, The Paintings of Ribalta 1565/1628 [exhibition catalogue] (New York: The Spanish Institute, 1988), 26–28.
82 Domenech, The Paintings of Ribalta, 104–05.
83 James France, ‘The Heritage of St Bernard in Medieval Art’, in A Companion to Bernard of Clairvaux, ed. Brian Patrick Maguire (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 305–46 (pp. 325–29).
84 France, ‘The Heritage of St Bernard’, 325. The quote is from Conrad of Eberbach's Exordium magnum.
85 Pedro de Ribadeneira, Primera Parte del Flos Sanctorum o libro de las vidas de los santos (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1624), 549–66 (p. 552).
86 Xavier Bray, ‘Francisco Ribalta, Christ Embracing Saint Bernard of Clairvaux’, in The Sacred Made Real, ed. Bray, 162–63.
87 Leticia Ruiz Gómez, El Greco y la pintura española del Renacimiento [exhibition catalogue] (Madrid: Museo Nacional del Prado, 2001), 188.
88 Rosemarie Mulcahy, Spanish Paintings in the National Gallery of Ireland (Dublin: The National Gallery of Ireland, 1988), 39–41, fig. 26; Jean Andrews, ‘Luis de Morales’ Representations of St Jerome’, in Humanism and Christian Letters in Early Modern Iberia, ed, Barry Taylor & Alejandro Coroleu (Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2010), 185–201.
89 Leticia Ruiz Gómez, El Divino Morales [exhibition catalogue] (Madrid: El Prado, 2015), 177.
90 Piers Baker Bates has dealt with Ribera in relation to Morales in two conference papers: ‘ “A Stupendous Picture”: A Discussion of the Sources for the Art of Morales and Ribalta and the British Response’, delivered at the Association of Art Historians, University of Glasgow, 15–17 April 2010; and ‘Art, Religion and Society in the Hispanic Baroque: The Case of Luis de Morales and Juan de Ribera’, delivered at ‘Religion in the Hispanic Baroque: The First Culture and Its Legacy’, University of Liverpool, 12–14 May 2010.
91 Kowal, ‘The Life and Art of Francisco Ribalta’, 5.
92 Joseph de Valles, ‘Vida del Venerable Padre Don Juan Fort’, in his Primer Instituto de la Sagrada Religión de la Cartuxa (Barcelona: Mateo Barceló, 1792), 126–63 (p. 154); cited in Gaietà Barraquer i Roviralta, Las casas de religiosos en Cataluña durante el primer tercio del siglo XIX (Barcelona: Francisco José Altés y Alabart, 1906), 206.
93 Leticia Ruiz Gómez, La recuperación de El Paular (Madrid: El Prado, 2013), 185–190; Pascual Chenel & Rodríguez Rebollo, Vicente Carducho, 430.
94 Zahira Véliz, ‘Carducho and the Eloquence of Drawing’, in On Art and Painting, ed. Andrews, Noble Wood & Roe, 241–70 (p. 258).
95 Pascual Chenel & Rodríguez Rebollo, Vicente Carducho, 430, 431 Cat. P27.
96 The Christ figure in polychrome wood in the painting of Padre Bernardo at the charterhouse of Portes is very similar to this drawing, however he does not engage with the kneeling saint.
97 Ruiz Gómez, La recuperación de El Paular, 185–90.
* Disclosure Statement: No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.