NOTES QUOMODO AQUA VERTIT

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Notes

¹The following four quotations are from, respectively: A. C. Floriano, Diplomática española del periodo Astur (Oviedo 1949), I, 144; ibid., 152; L. Serrano, Cartulario de San Vicente de Oviedo (Madrid 1929), 29; J. Salarrullana de Dios, Documentos de Sancho Ramírez (Colección de Documentos para el Estudio de la Historia de Aragón, Vol. 3, Zaragoza 1907), 70.

¹Lewis and Short, A Latin Dictionary (Oxford). s.v. contra II A 2 b. This sense is not documented in Du Cange.

²‘… issio contra la claustra …’ Milagros de Nuestra Señora, 464c, ed. A. G. Solalinde (Madrid 1922), III.

³‘Et fueron cuentra Asia las cabeças tornando …’ Libro de Alexandre, 241d, ed. R. S. Willis (Princeton 1934), 53.

⁴Princeton. The relevant pages are 73–74.

⁵I have followed the composite stanza numbering of Willis' palaeographic edition (Princeton 1934).

¹The Alexandreis is the chief source-book for the Alexandre. Its date has been established by Heinrich Christensen: Das Alexanderlied Walters von Châtillon (Halle 1905). The Alexandre was known to the author of the Poema de Fernán-González. On this question, and on the dating of the latter work, see Marden's edition (Baltimore 1904), xxix–xxxiv.

²This evidence is summarized briefly by Alarcos Llorach: Investigaciones sobre el Libro de Alexandre (Madrid 1948), 15–16.

¹Treynta is here disyllabic, as is normal in the Alexandre, cf. 439(c): leuauan treyyita nanes (P), leuauan treinta naues (O), and 443 (b): yuan con treynta naues (P), yuan con. XXX. naues (O), where both MSS testify to a disyllabic numeral. I am aware that the whole theory must stand or fall on the question of metrical accuracy. I have assumed that the entire poem is written in regular alexandrines, without synalepha. This assumption has not been lightly adopted, but is the fruit of an analysis of every line, in the preparation of a critical edition.

³Liber VII, 430.

⁴Isidore, 5, XXXIX. On the Etymologies as a source, see Alfred Morel-Fatio, ‘Recher ches sur le texte et les sources du L. de A.’, Romania, IV (1875), 7–90.

⁵The first two lines of stanza 1801 are a direct transcript from the Alexandreis.

⁶On MS affiliation, see Ruth I. Moll: Beiträge zu einer kritischen Ausgabe des altspanischen L. de A. (Würzburg 1938).

²Isidore, 5, XXXIX 26: Octavianus ann. LVI. (VMCCX).

³Alarcos Llorach: op. cit., 17, note.

¹ Diego de San Pedro, Obras, ed. with introduction by S. Gili y Gaya (Madrid 1950), xxiv–xxvi.

²Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, ‘Nuevos y curiosos datos biográficos del famoso trovador y novelista Diego de San Pedro’, BRAE, XIV (1927), 305–26. In ‘Was Diego de San Pedro a converso? A re-examination of Cotarelo's documentary evidence’, BUS, XXIV (1957), 187– 200, I have shown that one of the more important of Cotarelo's conclusions is based on untenable evidence.

³M. Menéndez Pelayo, Origenes de la novela II (repr. Madrid 1961), 31–32. The references were originally discovered by Francisco Rodríguez Marín and Manuel Serrano y Sanz.

¹The will (Archivo de la Casa de Osuna, bolsa 19, no. 1) is published as an appendix to Francisco R. de Uhagón, Las órdenes militares (Madrid 1898). The other documents are bolsa 9, Y, legajo 1 ⁰, nos 14, 15, and 16, and bolsa 10, legajo 1 °, nos 5 and 6. In 1592 the comisarios of the Order of Santiago examined in the archives of the town of Peñafiel docu ments concerning a dispute over the limits of pasture-rights between the municipality and the monastery of Valbuena, in which Diego de San Pedro, chief magistrate of the district, gave judgement on 4 April 1472. I have been unable to discover the present location of these documents, but they must still exist, since they are quoted by F. Fernández de Bethencourt in his Historia genealógica y heráldica de la monarquía española, 10 vols (Madrid 1897–1900), II, 523–33, ‘Casa de Urueña’, although he does not say where he saw them.

²Santiago 3120, folios 15^V–31^r.

¹With J. S. Cummins, ‘An approximate date for the death of Diego de San Pedro’, BHS, XXXVI (1959), 226–29.

¹See ‘Was 15. de S.P. a converso?’, 197–98.