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Astropolitics
The International Journal of Space Politics & Policy
Volume 17, 2019 - Issue 1: Space Power and Security Trilemma in South Asia
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Articles

Space Security Trilemma in South Asia

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ABSTRACT

The peculiar nature of bilateral relations between the United States and China in space is the triggering point of a space security trilemma in South Asia. The spill-over effect of a misperception-misunderstanding dynamic between the United States and China in outer space has brought strategic transformation between the bilateral relations among India-China, India-Pakistan, and China-Pakistan, accentuating a security trilemma. All three states give high importance to their national space programs to achieve socioeconomic goals and to fulfill their national security needs. All three states also recognize the strategic importance of space as a new arena of war. However, the power asymmetry in South Asia has highlighted space-related capabilities as a potent medium of progress and power accumulation. As a result, the challenges in space have triggered and magnified the security trilemma for the South Asian rivals, interconnecting China, India, and Pakistan in the context of an international security complex.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1. Robert Jervis, “Cooperation under the Security Dilemma,” World Politics 30, no. 2 (1978): 169.

2. Charles Glaser, “The Security Dilemma Revisited,” World Politics 50, no. 1 (1997): 171.

3. Evan Braden Montgomery, “Breaking out the Security Dilemma: Realism, Reassurance, and the Problem of Uncertainty,” International Security 31, no. 2 (2006): 151.

4. Ibid.

5. Jervis, “Cooperation under the Security Dilemma,” 198, 211–214.

6. Karen Ruth Adams, “Attack and Conquer?: International Anarchy and the Offense-Defence-Deterrence Balance,” International Security 28, no. 3 (Winter 2003/04): 45–83, 50.

7. National Defense Strategy Sharpening the American Military’s Competitive Edge (Washington, DC: The Department of Defence, 2018)

8. Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr., “The Eroding Balance of Terror: The Decline of Deterrence,” Foreign Affairs 98, no. 1 (January/February 2019): 62–63.

9. Robert Einhorn and W. P. S. Sidhu (eds.), “The Strategic Chain: Linking Pakistan, India, China and the United States,” The Bookings Arms Control and Non-Proliferation Series, no. 14 (March 2017): 1–59.

10. Gregory D. Koblentz, “Strategic Stability in the Second Nuclear Age,” Council on Foreign Relations, Council Special Report, 71 (November 2014): 3-42.

11. Ibid.

12. Einhorn and Sidhu, “Strategic Chain,” 1.

13. Ibid.

14. For complete details on the RSC, Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver, Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 37–67; Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991), 226.

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid., 65.

17. Ibid., 47.

18. Ibid., 62.

19. Richard K. Betts, “Is Strategy an Illusion?” International Security 25, no. 2 (Fall 2000): 5.

20. Ibid., 7.

21. Bernard Brodie, War and Politics (New York, NY: Macmillan, 1974), 452–453.

22. Betts, “Is Strategy an Illusion?” 8.

23. Ibid., 9.

24. J. W. Spain, Analysis of the Indo-Pakistani Tensions: Canal Waters, Kashmir, Arms Race, Boundary Disputes (Washington DC: The Department of State, official memorandum, March 23, 1959), tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/5PJKp3; see also Saeed Shah, “India and Pakistan Escalate Nuclear Arms Race,” The Wall Street Journal, March 31, 2017. https://www.wsj.com/articles/india-and-pakistan-escalate-nuclear-arms-race-1490983537 (accessed December 19, 2018)

25. See, for details, Ashley Tellis and Sean Mirski, Crux of Asia: China, India, and the Emerging Global Order (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2013).

26. For details on the Pivot to Asia Policy, see Kurt M. Campbell, The Pivot: The Future of American Statecraft in Asia (New York, NY: Twelve Hachette Book Group, 2016); Stephen Burgess, “The U.S. Pivot to Asia and Renewal of the U.S.–India Strategic Partnership,” Comparative Strategy 34, no. 4 (2015): 367–379; Suisheng Zhao, “A New Model of Big Power Relations? China–US Strategic Rivalry and Balance of Power in the Asia–Pacific,” Journal of Contemporary China 24, no. 93 (2015): 377–397; and Aaron L. Friedberg, “The Debate over U.S. China Policy,” Survival 57, no. 3 (2013): 89–110.

27. The strategic chain project report, published by the Brookings Institute, can be viewed so as to understand all four actors’ relational security—the US, China, India and Pakistan. See Einhorn and Sidhu, “Strategic Chain,” 1–59.

28. The project was supported by the Eisenhower Center for Space and Defence Study of the United States Air Force Academy. This dialogue project was a Track 1.5 Dialogue, which involved U.S. officials and representatives from the Department of Defense. See Eligar Sadeh, “Report: United States-China Space Dialogue Project,” Astropolitics 8, no. 2–3 (2010): 7–18.

29. Zulfqar Khan and Ahmad Khan, “Chinese Capabilities as a Global Space Power,” Astropolitics 13, no. 2–3 (2015): 185–204; also see the Union of Concerned Scientists’ database on satellites in outer space. https://www.ucsusa.org/nuclear-weapons/space-weapons/satellite-database#.XGEWzFwzbcc (accessed January 20, 2019)

30. See Bert Chapman, “Chinese Military Space Power: U.S. Department of Defence Annual Reports,” Astropolitics 14, no. 1 (2016): 71–89.

31. On full-spectrum space capabilities and the Chinese space program see Brian Weeden, “China’s Plans for Space” (presented at the Goddard Memorial Symposium, Greenbelt, MD, March 7, 2017); and also see Rosita Dellios, “China’s Space Program: A Strategic and Political Analysis,” Cultural Mandala 7, no. 1 (2005): 1–15.

32. See China’s Military Ambitions in Space and America’s Response, 117th Congress, February 18, 2015 (statement of Richard Fisher, Senior Fellow, Asian Military Affairs); on Chinese Military Space Strategy see Ashley J. Tellis, “China’s Military Space Strategy,” Survival 49, no. 3 (2007): 41–72.

33. On regional and international cooperation see presentation of Deputy Director-General of the Department of Department of Treaty and Law Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, Xinmin MA, “China’s Space Diplomacy: Policies and Practices,” (presented at, UNISPACE+50, High Level Forum (HLF), Dubai, November 20–24, 2016).

34. Matt Williams, “The Surprising Scale of China’s Space Program,” Phys.org, https://phys.org/news/2018-01-scale-china-space.html (accessed January 11, 2018).

35. Gregory Kulacki and Jeffery Lewis, A Place for One’s Mat: China’s Space Program, 1956–2003 (Cambridge, MA: American Academy of Arts and Science, 2009), 3, 30,31.

36. Ibid., 30.

37. Ma Chi, “China Aims to be World-Leading Space Power by 2045,” China Daily, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2017-11/17/content_34653486.htm (accessed November 17, 2017).

38. See Bruce MacDonald, China, Space Weapons, and U.S. Security (Washington, DC: The Heritage Foundation, 2008); U.S.-China Space Competition, 115th Congress (September 27, 2016) (Statement by Dean Cheng, Senior Research Fellow, Asian Studies, The Heritage Foundation); James Steinberg, Strategic Reassurance and Resolve: U.S.-China Relations in the Twenty-First Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014), 157-181,; Chad Ohlandt, “Competition and Collaboration in Space between the U.S., China, and Australia,” Asian Survey 54, no. 2 (2014): 395–417; Muhmud Ali, U.S.-China Strategic Competition: Towards a New Power Equilibrium (New York, NY: Springer, 2015); Erik Seedhouse, The New Space Race: China vs. the United States (New York, NY: Springer, 2010); Jessica Meyers and Mitchell Landsberg, “A Growing Competition: China and the U.S. Space Program, Year by Year,” Los Angeles Times, May 11, 2017. https://www.latimes.com/world/asia/la-fg-china-hainan-space-timeline-2017-htmlstory.html. (accessed December 20, 2018); Theresa Hitchens and David Chen, “Forging a Sino-U.S. Grand Bargain in Space,” Space Policy 24, no. 3 (2008): 128–131.

39. Erik Quingley, Geo-political Considerations to China’s Rise in Space Power (Maxwell, AL: Air Command and Staff College, Air University, 2009).

40. For example Russia and China drafted PPWT in CD. The main purpose of China and Russia was to breathe life into the CD and preserve their soft-power advantage among Third-World nations. See Michael Listner and Rajeswari Pillai Rajagopalan, “The 2014 PPWT: A New Draft But with the Same and Different Problems,” The Space Review, http://www.thespacereview.com/article/2575/1 (accessed August 11, 2014).

41. James Acton (Acton holds the Jessica T. Mathews Chair and is a co-director of the Nuclear Policy Program and a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) in discussion with the author, March 1, 2018.

42. Fabio Tronchetti, “Preventing the Weaponization of Outer Space: Is a Chinese-Russian-European Common Approach Possible?” Space Policy 27, no. 2 (2011): 81–88.

43. William Hagestad, 21st Century Chinese Cyberwarfare (Cambridge, England: IT Governance Publishing, 2012), 10; Joseph Nye and Brent Scowcroft, Foreword to Security Cyberspace: A New Domain for National Security (Washington, DC: Aspen Institute, 2012), 30-60; Scott Warren Harold, Martin Libicki, and Astrid Stuth Cevallos, Getting to Yes with China in Cyberspace (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp., 2016), 1-20; Terrence Kelly et al., The U.S. Army in Asia, 2030–2040 (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp., 2014); Kenneth Lieberthal and Peter Singer, Cybersecurity and U.S.-China Relations (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institute, 2012); Robert Potter, “The U.S-China Cybersecurity Disconnect,” Modern War Institute, https://mwi.usma.edu/us-china-cybersecurity-disconnect/ (accessed November 16, 2016).

44. Howard Kleinberg, “On War in Space,” Astropolitics 5, no. 1 (2007): 1.

45. National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington, DC: The White House, 2018), 4.

46. See Graham Allison, Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’s Trap? (New York, NY: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2017).

47. Dinshaw Mistry, “India’s Emerging Space Program,” Pacific Affairs 71, no. 2 (1998): 161.

48. Ibid.

49. Sobia Paracha, “Military Dimensions of the Indian Space Program,” Astropolitics 11, no. 3 (2013): 156–186.

50. Joint Indian Armed Force 2017 (New Delhi, India: Ministry of Defence, India, April 2017), 25–26, http://ids.nic.in/dot/JointDoctrineIndianArmedForces2017.pdf

51. For details on Indian BMD development, see Zafar Khan, “India’s Ballistic Missile Defence: Implications for South Asian Deterrence Stability,” The Washington Quarterly 40, no. 3 (2017): 187–202; Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, ‘‘India’s Missile Capabilities: Regional Implications,’’ Pakistan Horizon 54, no. 1 (January 2001): 33–64; ‘‘Ballistic Missile Defence: Implications for India-Pakistan Strategic Environment,’’ NDU Journal (2011): 1–26, http://www.ndu.edu.pk/publications/NDU_Journal_2011.php; Moeed Yusuf and Khalid Banuri, “India’s Quest for Ballistic Missile Defence: A Slippery Slope,” in South Asia at Crossroads: Conflict or Cooperation in the Age of Nuclear Weapons, Missile Defence, and Space Rivalries, eds. Subrata Ghoshroy and Gøtiz Neuneck (Hamburg, Germany: Nomos, 2010), 106–7; and also Ghazala Yasmin Jalil, “Indian Missile Defence Development: Implications for Deterrence Stability in South Asia,” Strategic Studies 35, no. 2 (2015): 29–46.

52. Ajay Lele, “India’s Space Security Policy: A Proposal,” IDSA, policy brief, https://idsa.in/policybrief/indias-space-security-policy_alele_280416 (accessed April 28, 2016).

53. Ibid.

54. See The Military Balance 2018: The Annual Assessment of Global Military Capabilities and Defence Economies (London, England: IISS, 2018), 261.

55. Mistry, “India’s Emerging Space Program,”167.

56. “India vs China: How their Space Programs are Matching Up,” Times of India, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/india-vs-china-how-their-space-programmes-are-matching-up/articleshow/63577767.cms (accessed April 3, 2018).

57. Cameron Hickert, “Space Rivals: Power and Strategy in the China-India Space Race,” Schwarzman Scholars, https://www.schwarzmanscholars.org/news-article/space-rivals-power-strategy-china-india-space-race/ (accessed December 24, 2018).

58. Sudha Ramachandran, “Chinese and Indian Competition in Space Heats Up,” The Jamestown Foundation, https://jamestown.org/program/chinese-indian-competition-space-heats/ (accessed October 20, 2017).

59. Ibid.

60. “Space Silk Road: Pakistan and China Enhance Space, Science and Technology Cooperation,” Space Watch, https://spacewatch.global/2018/11/pakistan-and-china-enhance-space-science-and-technology-cooperation/ (accessed December 24, 2018).

61. Mian Zahid Hussain and Raja Qaiser Ahmed, “Space Programs of India and Pakistan: Military and Strategic Installations in Outer Space and Precarious South Asian Regional Strategic Stability,” Space Policy (2018), doi:10.1016/j.spacepol.2018.06.003.

62. Ibid.

63. Martand Jha, “Fifty Years of TERLS,” The Hindu, March 1, 2018, and October 14, 2018, https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/fifty-years-of-terls/article22882696.ece

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