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ABSTRACT
In the second half of the nineteenth century, German-speaking Europe saw the foundation of some Catholic associations, which campaigned against slavery and the slave trade in parts of North and East Africa and promoted the “saving” of slaves and particularly child slaves by, for instance, ransoming boys and girls, baptizing them, and placing them at Catholic institutions and missionary stations. Examining confession-based antislavery activism in its discursive and practical dimensions, the essay argues that the successful foundation and expansion of these associations was due to both transnational structures and church networks of charity, on the one hand, and the activation and exchange of a particular set of ideas on slavery, abolitionism, Christian superiority, gender, childhood, vulnerability, and innocence, on the other. The essay suggests reexamining the relationship between German Catholicism and slavery by pointing to the various ways in which the movement of people and the circulation of information, ideas, and visions about slaves and/or slavery in parts of Africa motivated charitable acts of praying and giving, thus entering the everyday life-worlds of many Catholics in Germany.
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank Esther Möller, the editors of this special issue, and two anonymous reviewers for many helpful comments, critical remarks, and suggestions on earlier drafts of this essay. In addition, thanks are owed to Katharina Wolf and both editors for assisting me with editing and English revisions.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Katharina Stornig is Junior Professor of Cultural History at the International Graduate Centre for the Study of Culture (GCSC) and Justus Liebig University Giessen. Her current research focuses on the emergence and consolidation of transnational aid for children in the long nineteenth century. Her main research interests include women’s and gender history, religious history, transnational history and the history of globalization, the history of photography, and the cultural history of aid and philanthropy.
Notes
1 Osterhammel, Sklaverei, 7 and 11. However, individual studies have also challenged this argument of the marginal involvement of German traders and manufacturers in the Atlantic slave trade. For instance, see Weber, “Deutschland.”
2 Ibid., 11. See also Eckert and Wirz, “Wir nicht, die Anderen auch,” 378; Lind, “Africans in Early Modern German Society.” A pointed introduction to the ambivalent references to slavery and the slave trade by German (and other) Enlightenment thinkers provides Eckert, “Aufklärung,” 243–246.
3 Ribi Forclaz, Humanitarian Imperialism; Laqua, “The Tensions.” Humanitarian arguments also featured in the Berlin Conference 1884/85. However, as scholars have pointed out, colonial politics with regard to slavery often remained ambivalent, for the European powers also used forced labor and feared social upheavals in the case of a sudden emancipation. See Eckert, “Die Berliner Afrika-Konferenz,” 144; Wirz, “Sklavenhandel,” 84.
4 Such an approach corresponds to what has been called transnational methods, which, in the words of Isabel Hofmeyr, claim “not simply that historical processes are made in different places but that they are constructed in the movement between places, sites and regions.” Bayly et al., “AHR Conversation: On Transnational History,” 1444. The analytic value of a transnational approach to German history emphasizes for instance Conrad, “Doppelte Marginalisierung.”
5 “Olivieri, die Neger und die Sklavenfrage,” 14.
6 Priesching, Von Menschenfängern, 1–2; Wirz, “Sklavenhandel,” 78.
7 The same has been argued about late nineteenth-century antislavery activists more generally. Laqua, “The Tensions,” 707.
8 Carcereri, Erster ausführlicher Jahresbericht, 6–7.
9 Priesching, Von Menschenfängern, 1–6; Ressel, Zwischen Sklavenkassen, 34.
10 For a recent historical and philosophical discussion of the practice of ransoming, see Appiah and Bunzel, Buying Freedom.
11 Clarence-Smith, “The Redemption.”
12 This shows that, at least theoretically, African converts were assigned key roles in German Catholic institutions. Practically, however, the sources do not tell us much about the roles of native Africans in Catholic antislavery efforts. Still, some German editors published their stories, lauded their contributions, and they never stopped emphasizing the spiritual power of ransomed slaves, who would pray for their liberators during lifetime and act as powerful guardian angels afterwards. However, given that this essay focuses on German involvement with (anti)slavery, the systematic consideration of African agency in this enterprise goes beyond the scope of this essay.
13 In doing so, I broaden the scope of scholarship, which, for a long time, has tended to focus on the figure of the adult male slave. An overview is provided by Campbell, Miers, and Miller, “Editors’ Introduction,” 1.
14 Slaves were taken to German courts already since the early modern period. Their ambivalent status in the German states, where no legal basis for race-based slavery existed, is discussed by Peter Martin. Martin, Schwarze Teufel, 129–181.
15 Osterhammel, Sklaverei, 10.
16 Zeller, “Der ‘Mohr von Berlin’,” 253–260. Besides, African elites also sent their children to Germany for education. See Michels, “West African Families”; Aitken and Rosenhaft, Black Germany.
17 See Küppers-Braun, “P. Nicolò Olivieri,” 141–144. A study of former slave girls in Bavaria is provided by Zunker, “Drei ‘arme Mohrenkinder’.”
18 See Küppers-Braun, “P. Nicolò Olivieri,” 152–153; Zunker, “Drei ‘arme Mohrenkinder’.”
19 Sulzbacher, “Beten – dienen – unterhalten,” 118–119.
20 Olivieri, Nona relazione, 7–8.
21 For an overview on the Hilfsverein and its involvement with Olivieri and Verri, see Küppers-Braun, “P. Nicolò Olivieri,” 146–151.
22 This was already stated in §1 of the statutes of the association. However, this plan hardly worked out and death rates among the ransomed children were shockingly high. See Küppers-Braun, “P. Nicolò Olivieri,” 163. Unfortunately, we know only very little about the lives of the children in Germany. Yet, we know that in 1867 twelve “little Negresses,” who had survived the strains of being ransomed, joined an expedition to Cairo, which aimed at rebuilding the Catholic mission in Central Africa. “Bericht über die erste Expedition,” 13–39.
23 For instance, in 1856, a promotional article appeared in the Katholische Wochenschrift. Besides, in 1870, the Hilfsverein published charity appeals in 69 German Catholic journals in Europe and North America. Jonen, Grubenbecher and Bremer, “Verein zur Unterstützung,” 389–392; see also “Vorbemerkung,” 1–2.
24 Letter from C. Barber to J. von Geissel, Cologne, 19 September 1859. Nachlass Johannes von Geissel, Historisches Archiv des Erzbistums Köln (hereafter AEK), 169.
25 “Rechenschafts-Bericht,” 79–92. The development between 1853 and 1864 discusses Küppers-Braun, “P. Nicolò Olivieri,” 149–154.
26 Note by I. Baum, July 1917. CR 1 22.19, AEK.
27 An excellent survey is provided by McEwan, A Catholic Sudan. Even though the mission was in fact started by priests from various countries, its promoters in Germany would soon present it as a German undertaking. See Der Central-Vorstand des Vereines zur Unterstützung der armen Negerkinder. “Aufruf,” Cologne, 1870. CR 1 22.19, AEK.
28 See Rohrbacher, “Franz Xaver Logwit-lo-Ladù,” 55.
29 For instance, a report of the Hilfsverein in 1859 at first openly posed the question, why to aid “the children of this scorned human race, these descendants of Ham, of whom the Holy Scripture says: [sic] that they should be the servants of the servants of their brothers?” In what followed, the anonymous author deconstructed this view by describing the cruelties of slavery and the suffering of slaves. Eventually, he concluded that God, through his redemptive act had “festively withdrawn” the curse. “Olivieri, die Neger und die Sklavenfrage,” 4 and 12. For a more general discussion of this theme, see Priesching, Von Menschenfängern, 98–102; Haynes, Noah’s Curse.
30 An overview is provided by Baer, “Slavery in Nineteenth Century Egypt.”
31 Walter Sauer has emphasized the legitimizing function of a rhetoric of antislavery. See Sauer, “Schwarz-Gelb in Afrika,” 75.
32 At that time, the ransoming of child slaves also inspired Protestant missionary practice, which likewise related to both missionizing strategies and practices of child saving. See Clarence-Smith, “The Redemption.” However, as several studies show, the language of child saving and anti-slavery did not necessarily mean the end of coercion or indentured labor of children. See Koonar, “Using Child Labor.” Some studies even state that Christian missionaries also re-sold slave children. See, e.g., Alsheimer, Zwischen Sklaverei, 61.
33 The activities and mobilizing campaigns of Daniele Comboni have largely been overlooked by scholars of slavery and abolition in Africa. For instance, Drescher has argued that it was only with Lavigerie’s campaign in 1888 that the Catholic hierarchies had started to encourage antislavery action. See Drescher, Abolition, 354–355.
34 “Die Erziehungs- und Bildungs-Anstalten,” 29.
35 See Comboni, Piano; McEwan, A Catholic Sudan, 86–99.
36 Ibid.
37 One text introduced Comboni on his visit to Cologne in 1863 admiringly as being a “rare appearance,” for he was fluent not only in Italian, Latin, French, German, and Spanish, but also in 13 Arabic and three African dialects and vernaculars. “Die Erziehungs- und Bildungs-Anstalten,” 29.
38 In 1866, the Hilfsverein printed an essay in which Comboni explained the benefits of his Piano against other strategies. Comboni, “Promemoria,” 56–57.
39 See Laqua, “The Tensions,” 706–7; Miers, Slavery, 21.
40 See Ribi Forclaz, Humanitarian Imperialism, 17–18.
41 See Clarence-Smith, “The Redemption,” 176.
42 Evidence can be found in the annual letters sent by the bishops or nuncios to the Roman Congregation. For instance, in 1901 alone, Cesare Sambucetti, nuncio in Munich, transmitted 2925 marks from the dioceses of Hildesheim, 4100 from Warmia, 450 from Lusatia, and 1417 from Limburg. Besides, he informed Rome that he had forwarded 52,536.69 marks collected in the Bavarian dioceses to the procurator of the Ottilien Congregation. Letters from C. Sambucetti to M. Ledóchowski, Munich, 20 July 1901, Munich, 30 July 1901, Munich, 4 August 1901, St. Ottilien, 16 August 1901 and Munich, 11 November 1901. N.S. (Nuova Serie), The Propaganda Fide Historical Archives (hereafter N.S., APF), Vol. 208, 749, 766, 769, 775 and 820.
43 See letter from B. Lorenzelli to M. Ledóchowski, Munich, 1 July 1898. N.S., APF, Vol. 138, 92.
44 See Egger, “Transnationale Architekturen,” 49.
45 The slave market in Zanzibar was closed due to British pressure in 1873. See Glassman, “Racial Violence,” 176–7. On (anti)slavery in German East Africa, see Owzar, “The Image,” 135–136; Deutsch, Emancipation; Mann, Sahibs, 67–72.
46 See Bechhaus-Gerst, “‘Das finstere Heidenthum’,” 113.
47 Ibid., 114.
48 The national and colonial orientation of the Afrika-Verein can be observed on basis of the example of its founder Franz Karl Hespers, who demanded the joint intervention of German missionaries and government forces to end slavery in German East Africa. See Horstmann, “Franz Karl Hespers,” 117.
49 Although Ledóchowska also knew how to promote the Sodality in national terms, she insisted on its international character and refused to privilege missions of certain national origin. For instance, when some Austrian clergymen attempted to establish an Austrian Missionary Association in 1906 she wholeheartedly argued against it. See letters from M. Th. Ledóchowska to G. M. Gotti, Rome, 9 February 1906 and Salzburg, 28 June 1906. N.S., APF, Vol. 340, 802–803 and 815–816.
50 The early volumes of the Echo contained a rubric entitled “Rundschau” (Review), which informed about antislavery associations all over Europe.
51 For instance, see the Sodality’s various annual reports to Rome in N.S., APF, Vol. 340, 804–810; Vol. 484, 173–184; Vol. 586, 456–473.
52 For instance, see “Ueber die heurige Propagandareise.”
53 See Sauer, Expeditionen, 314–315.
54 See letter from F. Kuefstein to M. Ledóchowski, Viehofen, 27 December 1900. N.S., APF. Vol. 648, 249–251. Moreover, see Laqua, “The Tensions,” 708.
55 Ledóchowska, Die Antisclaverei-Bewegung, 1.
56 Ibid., 5.
57 Her uncle, Cardinal Ledóchowski, acted as prefect of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith from 1892 to 1902. Besides, her brother Wladimir was a high-ranking Jesuit and her sister Maria Ursula founded a women’s congregation. See Bielak, Maria Theresia Gräfin Ledóchowska, 5–10.
58 According to a report, in 1918 alone, the Sodality processed 58,937 incoming and 55,034 outgoing letters by/to benefactors (see letter from M. Th. Ledóchowska to W. M. Van Rossum, Zug, 12 April 1919. N.S., APF, Vol. 620, 47). A glimpse of her vast correspondence with individual missionaries in Africa is provided by Gütl, Adieu.
59 See Ribi Forclaz, Humanitarian Imperialism, 24.
60 See Ledóchowska, Die Antisclaverei-Bewegung, 3–4.
61 Ibid., 4.
62 Ibid.
63 See Die Aufgabe der katholischen Frauen, 1–2 and 4–5.
64 See letter from M. Th. Ledóchowska to W. M. Van Rossum, Zug, 12 April 1919. N.S., APF, Vol. 620, 47–51.
65 See Ledóchowska, Der Beruf, 63.
66 Ibid., 43.
67 Die Aufgabe der katholischen Frauen, 12.
68 The reference to the members of the members of the St. Petrus Claver Sodality as “assistant missionaries” (Hilfsmissionärinnen) can be found in many publications.
69 Ultimately, she also added her pious and wealthy husband as another feature to this list. Appendix IV, letter from J. Schaaf to M. Ledóchowski, Steyl, 29 April 1893. N.S., APF, Vol. 10, 118.
70 Die Aufgabe der katholischen Frauen, 16.
71 For instance, see the reports in “Chronik der St. Petrus Claver-Sodalität,” 12–14.
72 See Stornig, “Figli della chiesa,” 82–83.
73 Laura Suski has proposed analyzing humanitarianism as both an emotion-based impulse and a simultaneous active response. See Suski, “Children,” 210.
74 See Halka, “Das Scapulier,” 15–16. Altogether, the story was published in four serial issues of the Echo aus Africa in 1891.
75 Ibid., 16.
76 Ibid., 16.
77 The rupture of loving family relationships due to the slave trade plays an important role in Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin as well as in many slave narratives, such as for instance, in Harriet Jacobs’ Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861). On gendered love in female slave narratives, see Bader-Zaar, “‘Why Does the Slave Ever Love?’”
78 “Jetzige Lage,” 9.
79 Ibid., 5.
80 Jonen, Grubenbecher, and Bremer, “Verein zur Unterstützung,” 390.
81 See Zelizer, Pricing, 7–21.
82 Jonen, Grubenbecher, and Bremer, “Verein zur Unterstützung,” 390.
83 Such references to African slaves and particularly child slaves were widespread. For instance, see Nöcker, “Biographische Skizzen,” 45–46.
84 Carcereri, Erster ausführlicher Jahresbericht, 4.
85 For instance, the report from 1863, which contained short biographical accounts of ransomed children, also introduced the story of Joannes Maria Farrag, who was sold to a Turkish man by his father. See Da Casoria, “Biographische Skizzen,” 50.
86 “Vorbericht,” 4.
87 See Marten, “Family Relationships,” 21–23.
88 “Olivieri, die Neger und die Sklavenfrage,” 12–13.
89 Ibid., 9.
90 “Vorbericht,” 3.
91 “Olivieri, die Neger und die Sklavenfrage,” 15.
92 For details on the publishing history of the book, see Parfait, The Publishing History.
93 “Olivieri, die Neger und die Sklavenfrage,” 14–15. The role of literature in the creation of human rights and humanitarian sentiments has been pointed out by Hunt, Inventing Human Rights.
94 See Frevert, Emotions, 100–101.
95 See Hausen, “Die Polarisierung.”
96 “Olivieri, die Neger und die Sklavenfrage,” 14.
97 See Sheller, “Bleeding Humanity,” 173; Midgley, Women Against Slavery, i.e., 35–36.
98 Sheller, “Bleeding Humanity,” 179.
99 Nöcker, “Biographische Skizzen,” 57–58.
100 “Beschreibung und Geschichte,” 13.
101 See Owzar, “The Image,” 135–136.
102 See Laqua, “The Tensions,” 712; Ribi Forclaz, Humanitarian Imperialism, 17.
103 Ein Wort an alle, 9.
104 On the Roman order of Gonfalon, see Priesching, Von Menschenfängern.
105 See Ressel, Zwischen Sklavenkassen, 38.
106 See Priesching, Von Menschenfängern, 8.
107 See Sauer, Expeditionen, 29 and 137.
108 “Jetzige Lage,” 5.
109 On a practical level, the Pope invited the Trinitarians to carry out collections for Olivieri and to provide logistic support. Ibid., 6.
110 “Die Stiftung,” 13.
111 Ibid., 26.
112 For instance, in 1891, the Echo aus Africa announced that, in the mission of Lavigerie’s Missionnaires d’Afrique, the price of slave child was about 30 guilders. In turn, donors had to send about 50 guilders if they sought to ransom a child slave in the Vicariate of Central Africa. See “Verschiedenes,” 21.
113 See Comboni, “Bericht,” 28.
114 “Das Negerknaben Institut,” 54.
115 This was suggested by the second paragraph in the regulations of the Hilfsverein.
116 For instance, in 1893, a certain Nikolaus Sieberg from Aachen, by then an important center of the Catholic missionary movement in Germany, had posted 51,09 lire to Rome and requested that the money was to be used for the ransoming of two slave boys who were to be baptized Anton and Sebastian. Letter from M. Rampolla to A. Ciasca, Rome, 25 March 1893. N.S., APF, Vol. 10, 43–44.
117 The Norddeutsche Missionsgesellschaft maintained a Sklavenkasse (slave fund) with the goal to ransom child slaves who were expected to become a first generation of converts. See Alsheimer, Zwischen Sklaverei, 59–64.
118 See Clarence-Smith, “The Redemption,” 173–190; Vos, “Child Slaves,” 71–91.
119 Numerous examples are provided in the Echo aus Africa, the Kleine Afrika-Bibliothek, and Das Negerkind.