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Original Articles

Risk Perceptions in UK Climate Change and Energy Policy Narratives

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Pages 84-107 | Received 16 Oct 2012, Accepted 15 Mar 2014, Published online: 18 Jun 2014
 

Abstract

This paper analyses environmental narratives in the legislative stages presented in UK white papers, the Prime Minister's speeches, and the Queen's speeches, all of which were released between 1997 and 2011, during the regimes either of New Labour (1997–2010) or of the currently governing Coalition (2010–). This research acknowledges that the link between risk perception and environmental policy is strong because environmental policy narratives either reflect or influence risk perceptions, or both. The findings of this research demonstrate that the risk of climate change has emerged as a key agenda due to combined risk perceptions on economy and environment. Subsequently, that risk has developed a connection to the risk of energy scarcity and energy facilities. Nuclear power has posed a possible resolution to the energy risk, but at the same time, it has posed another kind of risk too. Under the Coalition government, the risk of natural diversity loss emerged while the risks of climate change and energy continued. The dynamics of the negotiation among different risk perceptions would depend on the power relations among the groups.

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Corrigendum

Funding

This research was supported in part by the Daegu University Research Grant, 2013.

Notes

1. Risk, here, refers to ‘uncertainty about and severity of the consequences (or outcomes) of an activity with respect to something that humans value' (Aven & Renn, Citation2009, p. 1). Risk perception is a consequential belief about the chance, the extent, and the timing of a risk. The cause of risk perception can be scientific, psychological, or interest-based, and can be rational or irrational. Because one person's belief can be a fact to someone else, if there is a debate on the scientific evidence of a risk such as climate change, the distinction between risk and fact blurs. Regarding both risk and risk perception, there is a body of opinion that sees real risk as existing independently of risk perception, and another that sees risk as consisting of the same thing as risk perception. The former opinion (see Rosa, Citation1998) argues that risk and risk perception are separate domains of the world, while the latter (Beck, Citation1992; Douglas & Wildavsky, Citation1982; Rayner, Citation1992; Wynne, Citation1992) argues that risk is constituted by a risk in knowledge (Beck, Citation1992, p. 55), a scientific myth of expertise. Therefore, in the latter conception, risk itself is not different from risk perception.

2. This study relies on Jameson's concept of narrative as cited in van Dijk (Citation1995). Jameson (Citation1989) generally conceptualizes narrative as a key epistemological category through which we gain knowledge of the world, noting that much of what we learn comes in the form of stories. Individual narratives reflect and conceal deeper and more pervasive narratives linked to particular social interests.

3. It is beyond the scope of this paper to distinguish ‘what factors cause what risk perceptions to emerge and become prominent and how various groups’ risk perceptions distinctively appear in environmental policy.

4. O'Neill and Boykoff (Citation2010) label those questioning climate change to be ‘contrarians’, rather than sceptics, arguing that climate sceptics base their views on ideology rather than evidence.

5. In the Commonwealth of Nations, white paper refers to a parliamentary paper enunciating government policy.

9. ‘Eco-friendly’ has been a key Coalition government term that has emphasized ‘a low carbon and eco-friendly economy’, although the Coalition government has nonetheless received criticism for paying little attention to environmental issues. Under the Coalition government, the first natural environment white paper in over 20 years was released. Titled ‘The Natural Choice: Securing the Value of Nature’, it placed ‘the value of nature at the centre of the choices our nation must make' (p. 2).

Both the 2011 nature white paper and the 2012 water white paper proved less alarming in tone than previous environment-related white papers. This was because they did not have a sub-section consisting of ‘problems’, which the other white papers began with, before suggesting solutions. These newer white papers argue, ‘Over 30% of the services provided by our natural environment are in decline.' They go on to state, ‘The fragmentation of natural environments is driving continuing threats to biodiversity' (p. 9). But then, it all comes back again to: ‘Climate change is one of the biggest environmental threats facing the world today.' The bottom line is: ‘Tackling climate change is essential for maintaining a healthy, resilient natural environment' (p. 10). All of this indicates that climate change remains a key agenda of environmental policy narratives. http://www.defra.gov.uk/environment/quality/water/legislation/whitepaper/.

19. There are three major methodological schools of risk perception research: heuristics and biases; psychometric paradigm; and cultural theory. In addition, Sjöberg proposed a model in which attitude, risk sensitivity, and specific fear are used as explanatory variables.

20. Energy insecurity refers to the lack of protection from or adaptability to threats that are caused by or have an impact on the energy supply chain (Winzer, Citation2011).

21. The second priority was addressing problems at the national and international levels, and the third was harnessing consumer demand, not stifling it. The fourth priority was stimulating science and innovation.

22. The paper stated the government's commitment to climate change mitigation and set a domestic target of reducing the nation's CO2 by 60% by 2050. This effort built upon the PM's speech to the CBI/Green Alliance on 24 October 2000.

24. Under the Coalition government, the risk of natural diversity loss emerged as a new key risk, while the risks of climate change and energy continued.

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