The Impact of Mass Protests on Hong Kong Educators, Parents, and Students

Abstract

This qualitative study examined the impact of mass protests on various Hong Kong individuals. Drawing on in-depth ethnographic data collected through extensive interviews and social media, the impacts of mass protests on social relationships, economic development, and mental and physical health of Hong Kong students, parents, and educators are discussed. Answers pertaining to why Hong Kong university students participated in mass protests and how their parents and teachers responded to their participation are found by examining their rationales for joining mass protests and the possible consequences they are facing in the present and future.

Keywords:

• Mass protests
• social uncertainty
• Hong Kong
• COVID-19

Introduction

2020 was a challenging year to the world and many attributed it to the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, even before COVID-19, Hong Kong has undergone a traumatic time due to intensifying protests which lasted for more than 12 months since June 2019 (Wong & Moorhouse, 2020). As a result of the frequent violence and suppression associated with the protests, the Hong Kong community has suffered huge trauma and loss. To examine the impact of these tumultuous events, this paper begins with an examination of the intricate relationship among Hong Kong, Britain, and China and how that has led to the emergence of social uncertainty. Then, major events triggering several mass protests in Hong Kong and the impact of such protests on the society are explored. The limitations of existing literature on mass protests in Hong Kong are also addressed, which led to the current study on Hong Kong mass protests.

While most Hong Kong people are ethnically Chinese, 156 years of British rule has led to the rise of a distinct Hong Kong identity since the 1970s. Although Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, many Hongkongers still see Hong Kong as autonomous and democratic under the “One Country, Two Systems” and “50 years unchanged” agreements signed between the British and the Chinese governments in 1997. Hence, since the handover in 1997, the relationship between Hong Kong and China has been contentious with most Hongkongers hoping to keep Hong Kong’s autonomous status and Central People’s Government (CPG) attempting to gain total control over Hong Kong by repeatedly opposing the democratization of Hong Kong (Cheng, 2014; Kwong, 2016; Ma, 2015).

August 31, 2014 marked the day when the CPG announced its guidelines for the 2017 Chief Executive election in Hong Kong, allowing only two to three preselected candidates for the final runoff. As the Chief Executive is the highest position in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government, the CPG’s decision escalated tensions and eventually led to the “Occupy Central Movement” as protesters saw the CPG’s decision as a blatant denial of genuine universal suffrage (Cheng, 2016). More than 800,000 protesters participated in this mass protest and 50,000 students boycotted class (Ting, 2019). The mass protest was also called “The Umbrella Movement” since many protesters would use yellow umbrellas to defend themselves against the tear gas fired by the riot police. Though many criticized the police for using unnecessary force on peaceful protesters, by 2015 the protest momentum had waned in, and 1,003 protesters were arrested for illegal actions related to the movement, with 5% of them being prosecuted in the end (Cheng, 2016; Ho, 2019).

In February 2019, the HKSAR Government attempted to introduce the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019. This Bill, also known as the Extradition Bill, aimed to regulate transfers of criminal fugitives who are wanted in different parts of China, including Hong Kong, Mainland China, Macau, and even Taiwan. Because existing laws enacted before the handover in July 1997 explicitly prohibited extradition to Mainland China, the proposed bill has triggered strong reactions in Hong Kong, including numerous demonstrations, vandalism, and occupation of two major universities (Shek, 2020). Before the bill was proposed, there was already a growing polarization between the state and civil society and within civil society (Cheng, 2016). Many young Hongkongers are also dissatisfied with their quality of life due to increasing poverty, high housing price, and high cost of living (Shek, 2020). The Extradition Bill therefore served as the “heat” which ignited the “fuels” represented by preexisting issues in quality of life and well-being in Hong Kong, ultimately leading to the yearlong mass protests in Hong Kong (Shek, 2020).

The mass protests have incurred significant losses on the Hong Kong community concerning economic growth, public safety, and mental health. To start with, the economic damage caused by the ongoing social unrest is unprecedented, with damage of major public transportation and government property, fire set on state-owned bank branches and pro-China businesses (known colloquially as “blue” shops,) alleged excessive force used by the police, and closure of many local businesses (Shek, 2020; Ting, 2020). Hou and Hall (2019) stated that vandalism by protesters has resulted in the damage of 740 sets of traffic lights, 52.8 km of railings along the road, and 21,800 square meters of paving blocks, requiring an estimate of HK$65 million to repair. Furthermore, the lives of ordinary Hong Kong people have been disrupted. According to Shek (2020), due to public transportation breakdown, workers “had to take leave involuntarily or spent much longer traveling time” (p. 621). All of these have undoubtedly slowed down Hong Kong’s economy and threatened the stability of Hong Kong’s society.

In addition, social unrest is detrimental to the population’s mental health (Lai et al., 2020; Lau et al., 2017). The ongoing protests have polarized and torn the Hong Kong society apart (Ho, 2019), compounding the stress and anxiety of an already traumatized population (Purbrick, 2019). Temporary school closures and the arrest of adolescents have also placed a severe strain on relationships between sections of society (Purbrick, 2019; Shek, 2020). Compounded by the hit from the COVID-19 pandemic, Lai et al. (2020) warned that “the mental health status of the entire population of Hong Kong may be at risk of rapid deterioration” (p. 1). Actions must therefore be taken to mitigate the socioeconomic and mental effects of mass protests.

Over the past decade, lots of research have been done on mass protests in Hong Kong (Cheng, 2014; Kwong, 2016; Ma, 2015). However, very few investigated the impact of mass protests on specific individuals in the community. This study therefore aimed at examining the impact of mass protests specifically on Hong Kong students, parents, and educators and giving them a voice to present their perspectives through individual interviews and various social media platforms, in the hope of finding a way to mitigate losses and secure Hong Kong’s future.

Methods

The current study aimed to analyze the impacts of mass protests on 16 students, parents, and educators in Hong Kong. Specifically, the emotional, social, and economic impacts of mass protests on these individuals were studied through an interview protocol and social media. Participants included: Five university students, four university graduates, six educators (four of whom are also parents,) and one stay-at-home parent. All interviews were conducted via Zoom or Whatsapp (an online social media platform highly popular amongst Hongkongers). Although the four college graduates in this study are no longer students now, all of them were in high school when they took part in the 2014 mass protest. Hence, including these four graduates in this study is pertinent to providing a wholesome perspective of individuals who participated in mass protests as high schoolers.

Out of 50 individuals who were invited to participate via email or social media, 18 responded positively, but only 16 responses were collected in the end as two participants decided to opt out of the study due to fear of scrutiny. For most cases in this study, an in-depth individual interview was conducted with the research participants via Zoom or Whatsapp. However, two participants had expressed their preference to type or text their responses through social media instead, so only 14 virtual interviews were conducted. Semi-structured interviews were conducted as they provided flexibility for asking follow-up questions based on the participants’ responses. In an ideal scenario, in-person interviews and protest site visits would be optimal as it would ensure confidentiality, and the political ambience and context could be deciphered. However, due to the uncertainty posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and the recent enforcement of National Security Law by the Chinese government which resulted in mass arrest of activists, individual interviews were conducted virtually instead.

All interviews were audio-recorded instead of videotaped to avoid unnecessary exposure of the participants. Consent of the research participants was sought before any recording took place and the study was approved by an Institutional Review Board. To ensure that participants feel comfortable in the interview, participants were also encouraged to answer the questions in their native language. Therefore, Cantonese was used in four of the interviews, Mandarin in one of the interviews, and English for the rest of the interviews. As this study involved highly sensitive political information and may result in unnecessary scrutiny of the participants, all participants were given pseudonyms and all collected data would be immediately destroyed upon completion of this study.

Findings

Out of the 16 participants, there are 10 males and 6 females. Nine of the participants were aged 20 to 29, and seven participants were aged 30 or above. Although the research participants are of different nationalities, all 16 participants have the right of abode in Hong Kong. Direct quotes from the participants were used, and emphasis was added by the author.

Reasons for joining the protests

There are several reasons why Hong Kong students, parents, and educators participated in mass protests. Carlos, a 24-year-old Hong Kong banker who attended the 2014 protest as a high school student, who also participated in the 2019 mass protests said,

To me, the definition of the mass protest is any kind of official gathering that we are going, we’re going out on the street to voice out what people would like to demand from the government, so it could be in any format, it could be in a peaceful and quiet format, […] though some may see on the news and television that they might be a bit like, more violent.

Bruce, a 20-year-old Hong Kong university student who participated in the 2019 mass protests answered,

I joined the protest because of four reasons. First, to protest against the extradition bill in Hong Kong. Second, to express my strong dissatisfaction towards the police for their abuse of violence when apprehending protesters. Third, to demand the government to set up an independent task force to investigate the countless inappropriate actions of police, and finally, though it is not a strong reason, due to peer pressure.

Mrs. Zhang is a mainland Chinese mother of two young children. Before the mass protests, she originally planned to become a Mandarin teacher in Hong Kong. After the mass protests, she changed her mind to stay home with her kids. Having lived in Hong Kong for eight years, Mrs. Zhang identified herself as a Hongkonger. Being the spouse of an active protester, Mrs. Zhang explained why she did not join the protests and her feelings toward the protesters,

If I weren’t married and I had no kids, I would go out to march too, I appreciate the power of the youth. […] I feel that there is a lack of bonding between parents and children. Hong Kong children spend very little time with their parents, which led to huge problems and conflicts between parents and children. The children didn’t feel accepted by their parents, so they felt a greater urge to go out to join the protests as they feel like a hero out there and feel accepted by the other protesters. Family factors and the urge to fight for justice put these young people together, forming a very strong foundation for the mass protests.

As seen from the above responses, the extradition bill was the main reason why most Hongkongers participated in the 2019 protests in the first place. Out of the16 participants, four research participants claimed that they had never participated in any form of mass protests in Hong Kong, not even as observers. All four individuals happened to be educators in Hong Kong. When asked why she did not participate in the mass protest, Mei Ling, a retired teacher, strongly expressed her opposition to the mass protests,

What is happening in Hong Kong makes me feel extremely disappointed and angry. Hong Kong used to be peaceful, beautiful, and free. It is ironic that the protesters claimed to be fighting for freedom when they did not allow others to express their views freely. This is not the Hong Kong that I knew. First, they claimed that they were protesting because of the extradition bill, but even after the bill was withdrawn, they are still protesting. This shows that their intention was not what they claimed at all, and this level of hypocrisy is what I can’t stand for.

Roles during the mass protests

All of the research participants who participated in the mass protests described their roles as peaceful protesters, volunteers, donors, followers, supporters, or observers. Lawrence, a 20-year-old college student, stated his role as a “bystander” or “passer-by” even though he was aware of the purpose of the mass protests, and was physically present at the protest site. Moreover, none of the participants described themselves as activists, organizers, or leaders, though it is understandable as several prominent student leaders such as Joshua Wong and Agnes Chow were prosecuted after the enactment of the National Security Law. 15 out of 16 participants used the term “protesters” when describing people who participated in the mass protests, while the term “rioters” was only used by Mei Ling, a retired teacher in Hong Kong.

Bruce was still a high school student when he joined the mass protests last year. When asked what his roles were during the mass protests, he said,

We have students from [my school] and also students from [the neighboring schools], we would gather on [street name deleted.] We formed human-chain, where we held each other’s hands to form a chain and voiced some slogans, but it is not appropriate to mention the slogans here as the National Security Law has passed in Hong Kong. There were more than 100 protesters and the protests usually happen in the morning before school begins.

Terrance, a 24-year-old college graduate who is now a business manager said,

I was shopping for supplies such as protein bars and eye drops from a nearby supermarket to donate to the frontline protesters. I was carrying the supplies and walking out of [name of the shopping mall deleted], when all of a sudden, I smelled tear gas. Then, many people started rushing into the shopping mall to escape from the tear gas.

In addition, most participants mentioned that the mass protests started off as a peaceful gathering. Ichika, a 27-year-old half-Japanese half-Chinese college student who has been living in Hong Kong since birth said,

First for the Umbrella Movement, I think I participated with my parents, we just stayed there as, like a gathering, like we didn’t really walk much we just stayed there to observed. As for last year’s protest, I also personally went to observe and also joined the protests as a peaceful one, not in the front line just walking like during June, there was one mass protest, […] Like just a peace walk.

Changes in the level of participation in the protests

As tensions between the opposing sides increased, there was also an increase in the level of violence displayed by both protesters and the police. This resulted in some of the more peaceful protesters dropping out of the protests. Terrance said,

… at first I also wanted to pursue democracy and fight for equality between the rich and poor, but democracy is also about respecting other voices. From what I saw on July 1 with my own eyes, there was a lot of destruction in the government building. I also saw them destroying [blue] restaurants just because these restaurants expressed opposite views. […] I feel that’s not democracy. That’s why I became less and less involved.

What Terence referred to as “Yellow” and “Blue” camps stand for the protesters who are anti-government (hence the color “yellow”) and supporters who are pro-government (i.e., Blue camp) respectively. Bruce, a college student who considered himself a peaceful and passive protester, stated,

Personally, I consider the other protests as a bit aggressive and may end up to be violent. That’s why I won’t join and my parents won’t permit me to do so. […] Usually, they start off as peaceful protests at first, the number of participants can be as high as two million, but as soon as the police officers intervene, the situation may become chaotic with battles between police officers and protesters. Intervention by police force includes firing tons of tear gases, water – cannon truck and using the “stick” [he meant baton]. Even peaceful protesters will be hit by the stick and result in bloody faces or heads. Then, some agitated protesters may start to throw gas bombs to oppose police force’s actions. The situation then become even chaotic and violent…Besides, some protestors may deliberately vandalize and damage some particular shops. Usually, those shops are thought to be pro-government, or having some linkages with China.

Mr. Smith, a high school teacher who is an American citizen with permanent residence in Hong Kong, explained why he is no longer involved in the protests,

It became pretty dangerous. They became pretty dangerous. And I’m not interested in in the violent response. I’m not interested in confrontation with police or other protesters. And I think there’s some blame that went on both sides. I think that as in many of civil unrest situations. Some of the leaders are looking then to just continue the protest regardless, and there are some elements of the police who responded too quickly, but in general, I didn’t, I didn’t find them violent. When I was on the marches, I found the police to be very friendly.

Future prospect and job security

Several university students expressed their concern that their participation in mass protests would affect their future prospect. As mentioned by Bruce,

I participated in one protest only, I didn’t participate in any other aggressive protests as my parents didn’t want me to risk my prospect. Of course, I don’t want them to be worried too.

He continued to explain that,

Certainly, I think there’s going to be a tremendous negative impact on future career. I learned from various news that different companies are reluctant to employ recent graduates, possibly because of political views. This issue may be more prominent in business school graduates. Personally, I am not really worried about the negative impacts on my future career. I’m studying health sciences, and I may consider immigration after obtaining my professional qualities in Hong Kong.

John, a college student who submitted a written response, stated that,

I would much prefer that there be no evidence or very limited evidence that I have joined the protest. I am also reluctant to face legal responsibility for my actions in the protest. As I am not confident beyond a reasonable doubt that I can break the law and escape responsibility, I chose not to break the law in the protests.

Evan, a college graduate who is now a medical professional, said that his union had organized a one-week strike during the protests. As a result, they were asked to inform the management about their participation in the strike beforehand, and just a few weeks before his interview with me, the management sent them an email asking those who went on strike to explain their absence from duty during that week. He said,

Yes, then the Union lawyers drafted a template for all of us to respond to that email, and we just all replied to the email with same template and I think it might have some impact on my job security, but I’m quite sure that they will not fire us at all. […] To me it’s not a big sacrifice compared to those people that got arrested or died, I mean, committed suicide and died.

Mental heath

Fifteen out of 16 participants expressed some level of anxiety and distress due to the mass protests. Mrs. Zhang was constantly worried about her husband’s safety. She said,

He was hit by tear gas several times […] Some volunteers at that time took care of him. Within his ability, he tried to help. His parents were very worried about him and so many times they asked him to be careful and told him to stop going out there, but he wouldn’t listen. Personally I feel heartache, I feel really sad, I asked my children not to judge and not to talk about it. […]. I was very emotional when I saw all these things happening.

Although not directly related to mass protests, Carlos said,

So far, it does have an impact on my emotional health. Because like, every day, when you’re using the Internet, you’re worried about cyber security, because now they’re not only patrolling or surveying, the surveillance is not only happening on the streets, but it's also happening in the virtual or the cyber world during the time of protests.

During the interviews, it was evident that there was a sense of fear among all the participants, even for those who did not participate in any protests. In sharing some of the personal photos they took of the protests, some participants expressed their concern about their savings with the HSBC (the largest bank in Hong Kong) as an activist’s HSBC account was frozen by the police who claimed to be investigating fraud and tax evasion. Out of extreme caution, Mrs. Lam, a high school teacher, shared that she had already transferred all her savings from HSBC to another bank even though she did not participate in the 2019 mass protests. In addressing the government’s approach of the protesters, Mr. Smith talked about its drastic change from permissiveness to heavy-handed tactics, “[Their approach is] Different now. Arrest the leaders. Freeze bank accounts.” In explaining her fear, Mrs. Lam talked about an incident that happened to one of her students when he posted something inappropriate about the Hong Kong police on his social media,

I told my students to be very careful with what they post on the Internet. One of my students posted something about killing the police on his Facebook. He was reported by his Facebook friends and the next thing I know, the police came to our school looking for the boy! Our principal is not happy about it of course. But what can we do? As teachers, we can only tell our students not to post anything inappropriate, but we can’t tell them not to express their political opinions.

Economy

COVID-19 has impacted a lot of businesses all over the world. However, the impact of mass protests on Hong Kong economy should not be overlooked. Carlos, who is working in the finance sector, said,

Yeah, I think some friends lost their jobs, but it was not directly related to their views on the protests or their participation … As I just said, the performance of the overall marketplace in Hong Kong is declining, you can see many companies are in a deficit situation, so they might choose to lay off some employees. In that case, so I would say it’s an indirect impact of the protests, for those people who get laid off.

Although it was not their participation or nonparticipation of the protests that led to the downsizing of many businesses, many Hongkongers did lose their jobs during the mass protests as the protests had been ongoing for more than nine months. In addressing the impact to the local economy, Ms. Tang, a principal of a local secondary school said,

The mass protests were nothing compared to the pandemic when it comes to affecting the economy. In fact, I would say that, Hongkongers became stronger and more capable of facing adversities after the mass protests. The mass protests have trained Hongkongers to be more resilient, that’s also part of the reason why we are doing so well in controlling the spread of the virus in Hong Kong.

Social relationships

Some research participants expressed that different views toward the protests have impacted their relationships with their friends, family, and colleagues. Mei Ling said,

Arguing with my coworkers who had a totally different viewpoint from me really harmed our friendship. We don’t talk to each other anymore because of that. We have unfriended each other on all social media.

Carlos who has also unfriended some of his friends on his social media due to different political views, said,

We are usually sharing a fairly polarized stance, […] unlike normal discussions where people are trying to express their views and taking in others’ views, […] I feel very, well, it is quite hopeless, when I'm trying to but couldn’t say anything to change their mind. Because to me, what is educational, or what is informative is fairly obvious, but it is completely on a different side of the courts, so I did feel a bit hopeless and furious.

Impact on school life and daily life

In terms of the impact of mass protests on their daily life, most participants mentioned a decrease in the quality of life. Bruce stated,

Irrefutably, mass protests have brought much inconvenience to my daily life. As they protest and occupy the main streets, the transportation will be in complete mess. Police officers are patrolling everywhere, and they particularly stop and search teenagers. This makes me feel uncomfortable and insecure as the police are already notorious for picking on youngsters. I’m so worried that they will put me into a disadvantage. The incident at my university led to a severe destruction of campus. The facilities were damaged by protesters and I would say the campus became so catastrophic. All the classes and campus activities were suspended, exams were even postponed. I bet the mass social movement has definitely affected Hongkongers’ mental health adversely. Society has become extremely polarized, people with different views scolding each other daily. I think that’s also a major reason why Hong Kong failed to combat the pandemic efficiently.

Carlos said,

I did witness some kind of minor disruptions, or you could say, destruction is that they would put some physical barriers over the street, or the crossroad by using some utilities like rubbish bins over the street, or some kinds of fences, they could find along the road.

Dr. Chan, who is a university professor and a parent, said she did not let her son go back to school because she could not anticipate what would happen if the protests were to escalate,

Because my son, you know, I didn’t actually let him go back to school because of this. Um, yeah. […] So, that's why I mean I just tried to play safe and didn’t let my child to go back. So I think our daily life was disrupted because we couldn’t go out as freely as we wanted. For example, we tried to avoid transportation disruption and also just in case anything happened, you know, things like that.

Sense of identity

Other than two participants who chose not to talk about the impact of mass protests on their sense of identity, all participants stated that the mass protests have a significant impact on how they view their identities. Bruce declared,

Before, I don’t really hold any special views towards China. Now, I think China is really a dictator. They won’t listen to others’ suggestions. Most importantly, they won’t admit their wrongdoings. So does Hong Kong government! […] I became more proud of myself as a Hongkonger, and I would prefer determining myself as a Hongkonger instead of a Chinese. I think this phenomenon happens to the majority of youngsters as well!

Evan sounded rather upset as he said,

I wouldn’t say my country is China but when I introduce myself I would say, I’m from Hong Kong instead of I’m from China. Because I'm ashamed of this country and the way he treats his people. […] It only hurts its own citizens. And this is very, very pathetic for a country to not love his own people. […] Yes, so I’m, I’m ashamed of this identity.

Moreover, most of the participants who identified themselves as Hongkongers also stated that they would leave Hong Kong if the opportunity arose. Carlos said,

Obviously, I was Chinese before, but due to the nature of the incidents that happened over the years, I’ll call myself a Hong Kong citizen. After all these happened, people kind of trying to review the political status. They have a strong, strong view to change such kind of identity, like they aren’t feeling comfortable to be called as part of China. So this also applies to me where I think Hong Kong is no longer the ideal city that people have been living in and have been proud of. So, in long term, this might not be the place that I would like to reside with my family or in the future, for my career development.

John stated in his written response,

I believe the protests has strengthened my identity as a Hongkonger. Before the protests, I find mainland China a rather different place from Hong Kong, with simplified Chinese characters and very different road signs. After the protests, I now consider China even more foreign to me than before, as I believe the mainland Chinese no longer consider us Hongkongers one of them, and in a negative way. I do not mind mending relations with the mainland Chinese people, though I am very unsure how this can be achieved.

Discussion

In total, 12 out of 16 participants stated that they had participated in mass protests in Hong Kong. All of the college graduates and students in this study have participated in some kind of mass protests, while only 2 out of 6 educators (and 3 out of 5 parents) admitted that they were involved in at least one mass protest. Of those who participated in mass protests in Hong Kong, all of them defined their role as peaceful and nonviolent. In fact, most emphasized that the protests that they took part in were legal, rather than illegal. Their main reason for participating in the protests was to demand a withdrawal of the Extradition Bill, though the protests did not stop after the bill was withdrawn. As argued by Shek (2020), the Extradition Bill was only a trigger for the mass protests, when in fact Hong Kong young people have already been dissatisfied with a lot of preexisting issues regarding their quality of life and well-being for a long period of time.

When comparing students, educators, and parents, it can be said that the impact of mass protests on Hong Kong students is the biggest among all the participants of this study. Although participating in mass protests did not adversely affect their academic studies and physical health, none of the students identified themselves as Chinese and many expressed the desire to move to another country if possible. These are future architects, bankers, doctors, lawyers, and business managers who would have contributed immensely for the betterment of Hong Kong, if they were given the chance. If they do move out of the country, Hong Kong will be losing a high volume of skilled professionals who could have served as the leaders of the society.

Some student protesters mentioned conflicts with friends or family who shared different political views from them. However, the impact did not seem to be that significant as all the parents of this study claimed that they have good relationships with their children, and one student protester even said that his relationship with his parents became better after the mass protests due to their common enemy, i.e., the government. Although there was no significant impact on the relationships between parents and children due to the mass protests, 4 out of 5 parents expressed their concerns regarding their children’s safety, confirming existing literature regarding Hongkongers’ concerns about public safety such as disruptions to public transport, school suspensions, conflict between protesters and police, and destruction to public property during mass protests (Purbrick, 2019; Shek, 2020; Ting, 2020).

In general, mass protests in Hong Kong did not seem to affect Hong Kong educators’ job satisfaction and security. All of the educators strongly stated that they did not discuss politics with their students. This is a surprising result given that the mass protests did lead to class suspensions and that many students were involved in the protests. What was even more surprising is that, only two educators (who happened to also be parents) admitted that they had participated in mass protests. Including the two educators, a total of three parents stated that they had participated in mass protests. This is perhaps not a surprising result as some parents are protective of their children and may not want to put their children at risks. The educators of this study also seemed to be rather reserved when it came to answering questions about the mass protests. This is again, understandable due to fear of scrutiny under the National Security Law implemented by the Chinese government. For future studies, it would be better to recruit only educators who are not parents, and then compare the results with parents who are non-educators, so the impact of mass protests on parents and educators can be studied separately.

As aforementioned, none of the research participants identified themselves as “Chinese only” in their interviews. Rather, most of them said their identity as Hongkongers has strengthened after the mass protests. Some participants even said they felt ashamed of their country, implying the loss of their national identity. The enactment of the National Security Law also serves as a strong example of how the mainland Chinese government demonstrated its opposition to the democratization of Hong Kong (Cheng, 2014; Kwong, 2016; Ma, 2015), further deepening the resentment of Hong Kong people toward mainland China (Ma, 2015).

Although most of the protesters were proud of their involvement in the protests, only one participant of this study disagreed that the ongoing social unrest is detrimental to their own mental health. It should be noted that since this participant did not identify himself as a Hongkonger and had already made plans to leave Hong Kong, that might have reduced some of the mental trauma upon witnessing the drastic changes that have happened in Hong Kong. In fact, the fear of legal repercussions was so great that two participants opted out of the study. Many participants expressed difficulty in falling asleep at night during the mass protests, and some recalled getting very emotional as they argued with friends and family who held different perspectives, confirming how the protests have polarized and torn the Hong Kong society apart (Ho, 2019; Lai et al., 2020). Therefore, active measures must be taken by the government to bring the society back together.

Conclusion

As can be seen from this study, most of the protesters were aged 20 to 30 and they participated in the protests mainly because they wanted changes to be made in their community. In fighting for justice and democracy, many activists were arrested, resulting in white terror among the Hong Kong community and traumatizing Hong Kong individuals. Based on the participants of this study, it can be concluded that mass protests in Hong Kong have posed the most significant impact on the mental health and social identity of these individuals, causing fear, anxiety, stress, insecurity, and the loss of national identity among Hong Kong individuals. Therefore, rather than focusing all its resources on arresting political activists and student protesters to invoke fear, the Hong Kong government needs to urgently devise plans to support Hongkongers with their mental health and provide incentives for Hong Kong young professionals to stay in the territory, or Hong Kong will lose its competitiveness when young families eventually decide to leave Hong Kong to other countries.

In general, most participants have expressed a sense of disappointment and hopelessness toward Hong Kong’s future in their interviews and written responses. Some even predicted that Hong Kong would end up losing its special status and would be absorbed completely as merely one of the many cities of China. Hong Kong as a community will need time to heal from the political unrest and the pandemic which took place simultaneously. Future research shall therefore examine the possible measures on healing and rebuilding Hong Kong as a community after the mass protests. The combined effect of the pandemic and mass protests on Hong Kong people’s wellbeing should be studied as well.

Research statement: An institutional review board approved the research conducted on human subjects used for this manuscript, and this research was carried out in a way that is consistent with the ethical standards articulated in the 1964 Declaration of Helsinki and Section 12 of the American Sociological Association Code of Ethics. All human subjects gave their informed consent prior to participation in the research. Participants were allowed to leave the study at any time. Adequate steps have been taken to protect participants’ confidentiality. IRB approval number: IRB-FY20-21-1999.

Acknowledgements

I want to express my utmost gratitude for the trust that my participants have given me and their generosity in sharing their views, photos, and experiences of participating in the protests. This study has benefited from their insights, generosity, and trust. In view of current political tension and mass arrest of activists in Hong Kong, I am deeply in debt to them for risking their own reputation and safety in sharing with me something so sensitive and personal.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Sharon Lai-LaGrotteria

Sharon Lai-LaGrotteria was born and raised in Hong Kong, and has been living and teaching in the States for the last five years. Before joining Montclair State University as a doctoral fellow, she served as an ESL professor at Sacred Heart University in Connecticut and adjunct professor at Monroe College in New York respectively. Previously, she also served as a pedagogy lecturer and clinical supervisor at the Faculty of Education in the University of Hong Kong, and worked with the Department of Education in Hong Kong as a researcher and examiner. Sharon is a peer reviewer of the Asian Journal of Applied Linguistics, a Jockey Club scholar, and a member of Kellogg College at the University of Oxford.