‘Living between Two Lions’: Civilian Protection Strategies during Armed Violence in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo

Abstract

This article examines how civilians assess, negotiate with, and in some cases deceive armed actors in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It demonstrates that civilians not only navigate the precarious and unpredictable conditions within armed conflict, but also exploit these conditions to improve their security situations. The ‘self-protection’ strategies analysed aim to prevent, mitigate and confront violent threats that civilians encounter in their daily lives. This article argues that civilian self-protection strategies are especially prevalent in contexts marked as ‘no peace – no war’. Characterised by prolonged and low intensity violence, ‘no peace – no war’ contexts shape civilian self-protection strategies in three ways. First, civilians often develop a sophisticated understanding of the actors involved and the patterns of violence that unfold. Second, civilians often learn what particular strategies are most likely to be successful, typically through trial and error. Third, civilians have often become sceptical and cynical about international actors and activities. Understanding what actions civilians take to protect themselves, their families, and their communities is critical for the international community’s role in peacemaking and peacebuilding.

Keywords:

• civilian protection
• armed groups
• no peace – no war
• Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)

Acknowledgements

I thank community members from Nyabiondo and Sebele for sharing their insights and experiences with me. Without their critical support, this project would have not been possible. This article is based on a paper presented at the Annual Convention for the International Studies Association in Baltimore on 23 February 2017. I thank my fellow panellists and discussants for the fruitful discussion. Special recognition to David Black, Justin Robertson and Katrin Wittig who provided feedback, as well as the special issue editors and JPD editors and two anonymous reviewers.

Notes

1 There are debates about the intentionality and recognition of resistance strategies, which are most relevant in ‘everyday’ forms of resistance (Scott 1990). Everyday resistance involves covert tactics (e.g. foot dragging or gossip) often intended to be less confrontational than overt strategies (e.g. protests). Scott notes that it is more important to consider the outcome rather than the intention behind these tactics. However, the outcomes that he identifies are still oppositional, which differ from self-protection strategies.

2 Schatz defines political ethnography by two core principles: immersion and sensibility.

3 I use the APCLS, PARC-FAAL or Mai Mai interchangeably.

4 All participants were at least 18 years of age. However, I did try to interview individuals who would be considered ‘youth’ and ‘adults’, which are often distinguished by the marital status and children in the household. I also interviewed participants that were referred to as ‘elders’.

5 Socio-economic status was determined by the different occupations carried out by participants, including farmers, shop-owners, restaurant-owners, motorcycle drivers, mechanics, carpenters, tailors, teachers, etc.

6 Apart from customary chiefs, both hereditary and elected, there were other leadership positions in the community. Most of the commerce activities carried out in the community were organised into a committee, which often had an elected leader. For instance, each type of vendor in the market, vegetables or meats, had a committee leader, while there was also a president for the market, the motorcyclists association, and so forth.

7 Some of these foreign groups, such as the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, have been operating in the eastern Congo for decades and have integrated into society in various ways.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Carla Suarez

CARLA SUAREZ is a doctoral candidate in Political Science at Dalhousie University. She specialises in the micro-dynamics of armed conflict focusing on the different ways non-state armed groups organise themselves, the areas that fall under their control and their relations with civilians. Her work is informed by over 10 years of research, policy and advocacy experience with local organisations in Northern Uganda, South Africa, South Sudan, Guatemala and Peru. She previously worked with the International Development Research Centre and the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Government of Canada. Previous research projects on civilian protection and transitional justice have been published in Stability: International Journal of Security and Development and Resilience: International Policies, Practices and Discourses.