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Original Articles

Far-Right “Contagion” or a Failing “Mainstream”? How Dangerous Ideas Cross Borders and Blur Boundaries

Pages 221-246 | Published online: 05 Aug 2013
 

Abstract

The article argues that we are witnessing a lethal “mainstreaming” trend across Europe that involves previously taboo ideas, frames, and practices becoming the new “common sense” for growing sections of European politics and societies. As in the case of the dramatic slide into dictatorship and the spread of virulent anti-Semitism in the 1930s, the divisive ideas of the contemporary far right vis-à-vis minorities, immigrants, and Muslims/Islam in particular have been crossing multiple boundaries—between “extremist” and “mainstream” politics and voters, between taboo and legitimate views, as well as between countries. As in the 1930s, the success of this putative “far-right contagion” today owes at least as much to the weakening defenses or cynical opportunism of the mainstream as to the dynamics and appeal of the radical right's ideas themselves.

Notes

1. James Kirchick, “Meet Europe's New Fascists,” Tablet, March 12, 2012.

2. “Greek Crackdown on Illegal Immigrants Leads to Mass Arrests,” The Guardian, August 7, 2012.

3. “Greece: Halt Mass Migrant Round-Ups: Discriminatory Police Sweeps Violate Rights,” Human Rights Watch, August 8, 2012, www.hrw.org/news/2012/08/08/greece-halt-mass-migrant-round-ups.

4. Aristotle Kallis, “Greek Populist Parties and the Disoriented Mainstream, OpenDemocracy, June 18, 2012, www.opendemocracy.net/opensecurity/aristotle-kallis/greek-populist-parties-and-disoriented-mainstream; “Special Report: Greece's Far-Right Party Goes on the Offensive,” Reuters, November 12, 2012, www.reuters.com/article/2012/11/12/us-greece-crisis-dawn-idUSBRE8AB09F20121112.

5. “Mayor of Corinth: ‘We Are at War and Anything Is Allowed,’” interview with the mayor of Corinth, Alexandros Pnevmatikos, August 23, 2012, reported online at: news247.gr/eidiseis/koinonia/dhmarxos_korinthoy_vriskomaste_se_polemo_kai_ola_epitrepontai.1902960.html (in Greek).

6. Lazaros Miliopoulos, “Extremismus in Griechenland,” in Eckhard Jesse and Tom Thieme, eds., Extremismus in den EU-Staaten (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften/Springer Media, 2011), 149–166; and Paul Hainsworth, The Extreme Right in Western Europe (New York: Routledge, 2008), 65–66.

7. Patrick Moreau, “The Victorious Parties—Unity in Diversity?” in Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau, eds., The Extreme Right in Europe. Trends and Perspectives (Goettingen: Vanderhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011), 98–101; and Antonis A. Ellinas, “LAOS and the Greek Far Right Since 1974,” in Andrea Mammone, Emmanuel Godin, and Brian Jenkins, eds., Mapping the Extreme Right in Contemporary Europe: From Local to Transnational (London: Routledge, 2012), 125ff.

8. Human Rights Watch, 2010, 2011.

9. Report on Greece, Amnesty International Annual Report 2012, www.amnesty.org/en/region/greece/report-2012; “Greece's Far-Right Golden Dawn Party Maintains Share of Vote,” The Guardian, June 18, 2012; “Greek Far Right Hangs a Target on Immigrants,” New York Times, July 10, 2012.

10. “Racist Violence Recording Network: Findings 1.1.2012–30.9.2012,” UNHCR-Greece, www.unhcr.gr/fileadmin/Greece/News/2012/pr/ConclusionsOctober2012EN.pdf ; “Greece's Other Crisis,” Human Rights Watch, July 13, 2012.

11. Human Rights Watch, “Hate on the Streets,” July 2012, www.hrwnews.org/distribute/hrw_greece_migrants.pdf; “Racist Attacks in Greece Hit ‘Alarming’ Levels: UNHCR,” Reuters, October 23, 2012.

12. Interview with the mayor of Corinth, Alexandros Pnevmatikos, August 24, 2012, available at www.aftodioikisi.gr/sunenteuxeis-arfra/22339. Even more derogatory references to immigrants as “miserable subhumans … [who] have invaded our country and carry all sorts of diseases” were made by the Golden Dawn MP Eleni Zaroulia (wife of the party's president) inside the Greek parliament in October 2012.

13. The comments were made at a radio interview of the Minister of Public Order on August 4, 2012 and were reproduced by the newspaper To Vima on August 6, 2012 (available online at: www.tovima.gr/society/article/?aid=469853). Similar comments about “taking back the cities [from the immigrants]” had been made by the then-leader of the opposition (and current prime minister) Antonis Samaras during the 2012 election campaign—see “Samaras Claims That Greeks Must “Take Back” Cities From Immigrants,” Athens News, April 20, 2012, www.athensnews.gr/portal/8/55031.

14. “Greece must halt the sweep-operation “Xenios Zeus” and ensure that the right to asylum is guaranteed for persons seeking international protection,” European Council of Refugees and Exiles (ECRE), August 15, 2012, www.ecre.org/component/content/article/56-ecre-actions/307-round-ups-in-greece.html.

15. Kappa Research poll results were published in November 2012. For the earlier poll on attitudes toward immigrants, see Paul Tugwell, “Most Greeks Support Clampdown on Illegal Immigration, Poll Shows,” Bloomberg, April 8, 2012.

16. Daniel Trilling, “A Warning from Athens,” New Statesman, December 12, 2012, www.newstatesman.com/politics/politics/2012/12/warning-athens; and William Wheeler, “Europe's New Fascists,” New York Times, November 17, 2012, www.nytimes.com/2012/11/18/opinion/sunday/europes-new-fascists.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0.

17. Anthony Faiola, “Anti-immigrant Golden Dawn Rises in Greece,” Washington Post, October 20, 2012, http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-10-20/world/35500727_1_golden-dawn-greek-parliament-immigrant.

18. See, for example, Paul Mason, “Alarm at Greek Police ‘Collusion’ With Far-Right Golden Dawn,” BBC News, October 17, 2012, available (along with various video clips showing attacks) online at: www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-19976841.

19. Information about recent polls showing significantly rising support for the Golden Dawn can be found in Damien McElroy, “Golden Dawn Takes Advantage of Recession Ravaged Greece,” Daily Telegraph, November 2, 2012, www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/greece/9651505/Golden-Dawn-takes-advantage-of-recession-ravaged-Greece.html.

20. D. Spies and S. T. Franzmann, “A Two-Dimensional Approach to the Political Opportunity Structure of Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe,” West European Politics 34, no. 5 (2011): 1044–1096; K. Arzheimer and E. Carter, “Political Opportunity Structures and Right-wing Extremist Party Success,” European Journal of Political Research 45, no. 3 (2006): 419–443.

21. Elisabeth Carter, The Extreme Right in Western Europe: Success or Failure? (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 2–8.

22. Jens Rydgren, The Populist Challenge: Political Protest and Ethno-National Mobilization in France (New York & Oxford: Berghahn, 2004), 3–10; Bert Klandermans and Nonna Mayer, “Right-wing Extremism as a Social Movement,” in Bert Klandermans and Nonna Mayer, eds., Extreme Right Activists in Europe Through the Magnifying Lens (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), 11.

23. Ruud Koopmans et al., Contested Citizenship: Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005), 180–204.

24. William M. Downs, “How Effective is the Cordon Sanitaire? Lessons from Efforts to Contain the Far Right in Belgium, France, Denmark and Norway,” Journal für Konflikt- und Gewaltforschung 4, no. 1 (2002): 32–51; and David Art, Inside the Radical Right (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 23.

25. Paul Hainsworth, “Introduction: The Extreme Right,” in Paul Hainsworth, ed., The Politics of the Extreme Right, From the Margins to the Mainstream (London and New York: Pinter, 2000), 1–17.

26. Paul A. Taggart, Populism (Buckingham & Philadelphia: Open University Press, 2000); “Rethinking Populism in Contemporary Europe,” Policy Network—“Populism, Extremism, and the Mainstream” project, www.policynetwork.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=4298&title=Rethinking-populism-in-contemporary-Europe.

27. Roger Eatwell, “Charisma and the Revival of the European Extreme Right,” in Jens Rydgren, ed., Movements of Exclusion: Radical Right-wing Populism in the Western World (Hauppage, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2005), 101–103; Roger Eatwell, “Ten Theories of the Extreme Right,” in Peter H. Merkl and Leonard Weinberg, eds., Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century (London: Frank Cass, 2005), 45–70.

28. Malcolm Gladwell, The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference (New York: Little, Brown & Co., 2000), 30–87.

29. Jens Rydgren, “The Sociology of the Radical Right,” Annual Review of Sociology 33 (2007): 241–262.

30. On the concept of re-contextualization, see Ruth Wodak, and Norman Fairclough, “Recontextualizing European Higher Education Policies: The Cases of Austria and Romania,” Critical Discourse Studies 7, no. 1 (2010): 19–40; Theo van Leuween, “Discourse as the Recontextualization of Social Practice: A Guide,” in Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer, eds., Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (London: Sage, 2009, 2nd edition), 144–161.

31. Aristotle Kallis, Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in Interwar Europe (New York: Routledge, 2009), 216–227.

32. Eatwell, “Ten Theories,” 51–52.

33. Paul Jackson, “Supplying the Demand,” Searchlight 19 (November 2011), www.radicalism-new-media.org/index.php/activities/publications/searchlight-articles/113-supplying-the-demand.

34. Katherine Fieschi, “How the Far-Right Is Becoming Mainstream,” New Statesman, April 25, 2012. The mainstreaming of anti-Islam discourses is discussed in From the Far Right to the Mainstream: Islamophobia in Party Politics and the Media, eds. Humayun Ansari and Farid Hafez (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2012).

35. Note, however, that there are increasing voices from mainstream parties to abandon the policy of the cordon sanitaire. In January 2013, Flemish Christian Democrat senator Rik Torfs publicly described the political ostracism of the Vlaams Blok a “mistake,” adding that “[without the ‘cordon’ policy] Bart De Wever would never have been where he is today because nationalists would have had a better representation and because other parties would have had to organize themselves better as a result.” See “Cordon Sanitaire Was Good for N-VA,” Flanders News, January 2, 2013, www.deredactie.be/cm/vrtnieuws.english/news/1.1516769.

36. “Party of European Socialists (PES) Adopts Stringent Guidelines to Counter the Rise of the Extreme,” Press Release of Party of European Socialists (PES), October 15, 2010, http://pr.euractiv.com/pr/party-european-socialists-pes-adopts-stringent-guidelines-counter-rise-extreme-right-90256.

37. Hilde Coffe, “The Adaptation of the Extreme Right's Discourse: The Case of the Vlaams Blok,” Journal of the European Ethics Network 12, no. 2 (2005): 205–230.

38. “A Broken Cordon Sanitaire: The Growing Political Relevance of the Far Right in Europe,” Political Capital: Policy Research and Consulting Institute, May 30, 2012, http://deconspirator.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/a_broken_cordon_sanitaire.pdf.

39. Rydgren, Populist Challenge, 162–171.

40. Christian Schori Liang, “Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right,” in Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right, ed. Christian Schori Liang (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 7–8; David Art, Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 18–20, 32, 39; Jens Rydgren, “Is Extreme Right-Wing Populism Contagious? Explaining the Emergence of a New Party Family,” European Journal of Political Research 44, no. 3 (2005): 413–437.

41. Hans-Georg Betz, “Against the ‘Green Totalitarianism’: Anti-Islamic Nativism in Contemporary Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe,” in Christina Schori Liang, ed., Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right (Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2013) 33–54.

42. See, for example, Charalambos Kasimis, “Greece: Illegal Immigration in the Midst of Crisis,” Migration Policy Institute: Country Profiles, www.migrationinformation.org/Profiles/display.cfm?ID=884.

43. Chris Tilly, “The Impact of the Economic Crisis on International Migration: A Review,” Work, Employment and Society 25, no. 4 (2011): 675–692; Uri Dadush and Lauren Falcao, “Migrants and the Global Financial Crisis,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Policy Brief 83 (November 2009).

44. Philippe Bourbeau, The Securitization of Migration (Abindgon: Routledge, 2011), esp. 11–29.

45. Ekkart Zimmermann, “Right-wing Extremism and Xenophobia in Germany: Escalation, Exaggeration or What?,” in Merkl and Weinberg, op. cit. 229–230. More generally, see Michel Dobry, Sociologie des crises politiques (Paris: Presses de la FNSP, 1986).

46. Joel S. Fetze, Public Attitudes toward Immigration in the United States, France, and Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 25–75.

47. Hans-Georg Betz, “Against the Current-Stemming the Tide: The Nostalgic Ideology of the Contemporary Radical Populist Right,” Journal of Political Ideologies 9, no. 3 (2004): 311–327; Ben Little and Deborah Grayson, “The National in the Network Society: UK Uncut, the English Defence League and the Challenge for Social Democracy,” in Henning Meyer and Jonathan Rutherford, eds., The Future of European Social Democracy: Building the Good Society (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), 188–190.

48. For example, Dovelyn Rannveig Algunias, “From a Zero-sum to a Win-Win Scenario,” Migration Policy Institute (2006).

49. Michelle Hale Williams, “A New Era for French Far-Right Politics? Comparing the FN under Two Le Pens,” Analise Social 46 (2011): 679–695; Michalina Vaughan, “The Extreme Right in France: ‘Lepenisme’ or the Politics of Fear,” in Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson, and Michalina Vaughan, eds., Neo-Fascism in Europe (London: Longman 1991), 215–233; Harlan Koff, Fortess Europe or a Europe of Fortresses? The Integration of Migrants in Western Europe (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2008), 37–39.

50. Hans-Georg Betz, “Against the ‘green totalitarianism’: Anti-Islamic Nativism in Contemporary Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe,” in C. Schiori Liang, ed., Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 33–54; Cas Mudde, The Relationship Between Immigration and Nativism in Europe and North America (Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute).

51. Peter Scholten, Framing Immigrant Integration. Dutch Research Policy Dialogues in Comparative Perspective (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2011), 177–178.

52. Ruben Rumbaut and Walter Ewing, “The Myth of Immigrant Criminality,” in Border Battles: The U.S. Immigration Debate (New York: Social Science Research Council, 2007).

53. Kecia Ali and Oliver Leaman, Islam: The Key Concepts (Milton Park & New York: Routledge, 2007), 64–65.

54. Ariane Chebel D'Appolonia and Simon Reich, “The Securitization of Immigration: Multiple Countries, Multiple Dimensions,” in D'Appolonia and Reich, eds., Immigration, Integration and Security. America and Europe in Comparative Perspective (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008), 1–22.

55. Peter Demant, Islam vs. Islamism: The Dilemma of the Muslim World (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2006), 69–71. On the original idea of “clash of civilizations,” see Samuel P Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York, Simon & Schuster, 1996).

56. Pierre-André Taguieff, The Force of Prejudice: On Racism and Its Doubles (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001); translated from La force du préjugé: Essai sur le racisme et ses doubles (Paris: La Decouverte, 1988).

57. Aristotle Kallis, “Race,” in Sophie Krossa, ed., Europe in a Global Context (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011), 128–140.

58. Aristotle Kallis, “Landscapes of ‘Othering’ in Postwar and Contemporary Germany: The Limits of the ‘Culture of Contrition’ and the Poverty of the Mainstream,” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 12, no. 2 (2012): 387–407.

59. Vasilios Makrides, “Religions in Contemporary Europe in the Context of Globalization,” in Peter Bayer and Lori Beaman, eds., Religion, Globalization and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 561–563; and Hainsworth, Extreme Right in Western Europe, 74–75.

60. Guiullaume Roux, “Dimensions of Ethnic Prejudice and Extreme Right-Wing Voting,” in Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau, eds., The Extreme Right in Europe. Current Trends and Perspectives (Goettingen: Vadenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2012), 51–74; see also Cas Mudde, “The Single-Issue Party Thesis: Extreme Right Parties and the Immigration Issue,” West European Politics 22, no. 3 (1999): 182–197.

61. In general, see Gladwell, op. cit.; Chris Russill and Chad Lavin, “Tipping Point Discourse in Dangerous Times,” Canadian Review of American Studies 42, no. 2 (2012): 142–163.

62. For an analysis of how these two factors influence the appeal of the far right, see Pia Knigge, “The Ecological Correlates of Right-Wing Extremism in Western Europe,” European Journal of Political Research 3, no. 3 (1998): 249–279.

63. Vassilis Karydis, “Analysis: Neo-Nazis Enter the Greek Parliament,” Statewatch, July 2012, available at www.statewatch.org/analyses/no-185-greece.pdf. On “moral panic,” see Sean P Hier, Moral Panic Politics of Anxiety (Abingdon & New York: Routledge, 2011).

64. Jerome Jamin, “Extreme-Right Discourse in Belgium: A Comparative Regional Approach,” in Mammone, Godin, and Jenkins, eds., Mapping the Extreme Right, 62–77.

65. Kallis, Genocide and Fascism, 113–137.

66. Maggie O'Neill and Lizzie Sea, Transgressive Imaginations: Crime, Deviance and Culture (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), 119–137.

67. Douglas McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 48–51.

68. Christopher C. Taylor, Sacrifice as Terror: The Rwandan Genocide of 1994 (New York: Berg, 1999), 103.

69. John David Skrentny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America (Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 8–13.

70. Juan Linz, The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976); David D. Roberts, The Totalitarian Experiment in Twentieth-Century Europe (New York: Routledge, 2006); Giovanni Capoccia, Defending Democracy: Reactions to Extremism in Interwar Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005).

71. Michael Mann, Fascists (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 88.

72. Kallis, Genocide and Fascism, 168–170.

73. Amir Weiner, Landscaping the Human Garden: 20th Century Population Management in a Comparative Framework (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), 123–124. Alon Confino, “A World Without Jews: Interpreting the Holocaust,” in Dan Stone, ed., The Holocaust and Historical Methodology (New York & Oxford: Berghahn, 2012), 37–38, makes the point that even the Nazi genocidal experiments had been made possible because of other taboos broken in the recent past.

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75. Kallis, Genocide and Fascism, 211–260.

76. See Richard John Evans, Dick Geary, eds., The German Unemployed (Beckenham: Croom Helm, 1987), xiv.

77. See, for example, Robin Wilson and Paul Hainsworth, Far-Right Parties and Discourses in Europe: A Challenge for Our Times (Brussels: European Network Against Racism, 2012).

78. Tim Bale, “Cinderella and Her Ugly Sisters: The Mainstream and Extreme Right in Europe's Bipolarising Party Systems,” West European Politics 26, no. 3 (2003): 67–90.

79. Humayun Ansari and Farid Hafez, eds., From the Far Right to the Mainstream: Islamophobia in Party Politics and the Media (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2011).

80. Aurelien Mondon, The Mainstreaming of the Extreme Right in France and Australia (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2013); Hainsworth, Extreme Right in Western Europe, 121.

81. Price and Tewksbury, 173–81.

82. Hainsworth, Extreme Right in Western Europe, 67–89; Beyza C. Tekin, Representations and Othering in Discourse: The Construction of Turkey in the EU Context (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2010), 101–107.

83. András Kovács, The Stranger at Hand: Antisemitic Prejudices in Post-Communist Hungary (Leiden: Brill, 2011), esp. 181–203; Áron Buzogány, “Soziale Bewegung von rechts: Der Aufstieg der national-radikalen Jobbik-Partei in Ungarn,” Suedosteuropa Mitteilungen 5, no. 6 (2011): 38–51; Cas Mudde and Erin K. Jenne, “Hungary's Illiberal Turn: Can Outsiders Help?,” Journal of Democracy 23, no. 3 (2012): 147–155; Keno Verseck, “Anti-Semitism in Parliament Hungary's Far-Right Rhetoric Reaches New Dimension,” Spiegel Online, November 28, 2012.

84. Nilüfer Göle, “The Public Visibility of Islam and European Politics of Resentment: The Minarets-Mosques Debate,” Philosophy and Social Criticism 37, no. 4 (2011): 383–392; M. Stuessi, “Banning of Minarets: Addressing the Validity of a Controversial Swiss Popular Initiative,” Religion and Human Rights 3, no. 2 (2008): 135–153.

85. Aristotle Kallis, “Breaking Taboos and ‘Mainstreaming the Extreme’: The Debates on Restricting Islamic Symbols in Contemporary Europe,” in Ruth Wodak, Brigitte Mral, and Major Khosravinik, eds., Rightwing Populism Across Europe: Communication, Discourses and Developments (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), 55–77.

86. Nigel Copsey, “Extremism on the Net: The Extreme Right and the Value of the Internet,” in R. Gibson, P. Nixon, and S. Ward, eds., Political Parties and the Internet: Net Gain? (London: Routledge, 2003), 218–233.

87. Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), 100–106.

88. Rydgren, “Is Extreme Right-Wing Populism Contagious?,” 429.

89. Karl-Dieter Opp, Theories of Political Protest and Social Movements (New York, London: Routledge, 2009).

90. Stephen King, “Ghosts from the 1930s Have Returned to Haunt Us,” Financial Times, May 10, 2012, http://blogs.ft.com/the-a-list/2012/05/10/ghosts-from-the-1930s-have-returned-to-haunt-us/#axzz2F6dvNONe.

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