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Articles

Desecuritization, Domestic Struggles, and Egypt’s Conflict with Ethiopia over the Nile River

 

ABSTRACT

Egypt maintained a policy of antagonism at arm’s length toward Ethiopia throughout Husni Mubarak’s presidency. This pattern changed immediately following Mubarak’s ouster. The burst of rapprochement and diplomatic activism that took shape in the spring of 2011 signaled a fundamental shift in the content and form of Egyptian policy vis-à-vis Ethiopia, which was reflected in President Muhammad Mursi’s reluctance to respond belligerently to Ethiopian initiatives 2 years later that threatened to diminish the northward flow of the Nile. Cairo’s evident restraint during the Mursi era cannot be explained by a change in the strategic circumstances that confronted Egyptian policy-makers. A more promising explanation can be found in a reformulation of desecuritization theory, which highlights the internal dynamics whereby potentially dangerous aspects of a country’s external environment get transformed into matters of routine political contestation.

Notes

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2. Haggai Erlich, The Cross and the River: Ethiopia, Egypt and the Nile (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002), 213; Magdy Hefny and Salah El-Din Amer, “Egypt and the Nile Basin,” Aquatic Sciences 67, no. 2 (2005): 44–45.

3. Peter Kagwanja, “Calming the Waters: The East African Community and Conflict over the Nile Resources,” Journal of Eastern African Studies 6, no. 2 (2007); Ana Elisa Cascao, “Changing Power Relations in the Nile River Basin: Unilateralism vs. Cooperation?” Water Alternatives 2, no. 1 (2009): 256; D. Z. Mekonnen, “The Nile Basin Cooperative Framework Agreement Negotiations and the Adoption of a Water Security Paradigm: Flight into Obscurity or a Logical Cul-de-sac?” European Journal of International Law 21, no. 3 (2010); Salman M. A. Salman, “The Nile Basin Cooperative Framework Agreement: A Peacefully Unfolding African Spring?” Water International 38, no. 2 (2013); Aaron Tesfaye, “Conflict and Cooperation and the Evolution of the Nascent Nile Basin Regime,” Northeast African Studies 14, no. 1 (2014).

4. Ashok Swain, “Challenges for Water Sharing in the Nile Basin: Changing Geo-Politics and Changing Climate,” Hydrological Sciences Journal 56, no. 1 (2011): 696.

5. Africa News, 25 May 2010.

6. al-Ahram Weekly, 5–11 May 2011.

7. al-Ahram Weekly, 14–20 April 2011.

8. al-Ahram, 3 May 2011.

9. Voice of America, 29 September 2011.

10. al-Misri al-Yawm, 31 January 2012.

11. al-Misri al-Yawm, 28 February 2012.

12. Daily News Egypt, 12 July 2012.

13. The National (Abu Dhabi), 16 July 2012.

14. al-Ahram, 16 July 2012.

15. al-Ahram, 25 September 2012.

16. Doaa El-Bey, “Prospects for Cooperation,” al-Ahram Weekly, 14 November 2012.

17. al-Hayah, 29 May 2013.

18. al-Jaridah, 29 May 2013.

19. Ibid.

20. al-Rai al-‘Amm (Kuwait), 30 May 2013.

21. al-Tahrir, 30 May 2013.

22. al-Ahram, 2 June 2013.

23. Reem Leila, “Dampening Disputes,” al-Ahram Weekly, 29 May–5 June 2013.

24. al-Ahram Online, 1 June 2013.

25. al-Ahram Online, 2 June 2013.

26. al-Ahram Online, 3 June 2013.

27. al-Ahram Online, 5 June 2013.

28. al-Quds al-‘Arabi, 6 June 2013.

29. Reuters, 10 June 2013.

30. al-Ahram Online, 11 June 2013.

31. al-Ahram Weekly, 20–26 June 2013.

32. Reuters, 18 June 2013.

33. Associated Press, 19 June 2013.

34. Daniel Kendie, “Egypt and the Hydro-Politics of the Blue Nile River,” Northeast African Studies 6, no. 2 (1999): 156.

35. John Waterbury and Dale Whittington, “Playing Chicken on the Nile? The Implications of Microdam Development in the Ethiopian Highlands and Egypt’s New Valley Project,” Natural Resources Forum 22, no. 1 (1998): 155–163.

36. Kagwanja, “Calming the Waters,” 326–329.

37. Cascao, “Changing Power Relations,” 247.

38. Ibid., 250; Swain, “Ethiopia, the Sudan and Egypt,” 692.

39. Cascao, “Changing Power Relations,” 251.

40. Ibid., 262.

41. Ibid., 263.

42. Mark Zeitoun and Jeroen Warner, “Hydro-Hegemony—A Framework for Analysis of Trans-boundary Water Conflicts,” Water Policy 8, no. 2 (2006): 439.

43. Ibid.

44. Ibid., 452.

45. Swain, “Challenges for Water Sharing,” 698–700.

46. Michael B. Bishku, “Israel and Ethiopia: From a Special to a Pragmatic Relationship,” Conflict Quarterly 14, no. 1 (1994).

47. al-Akhbar, 14 June 2013.

48. Sudan Tribune, 14 February 2013.

49. Arab News, 31 August 2006.

50. Abadir Ibrahim, “The Nile Basin Cooperative Framework Agreement: The Beginning of the End of Egyptian Hydro-Political Hegemony,” Missouri Environmental Law and Policy Review 18, no. 1 (2009): 307.

51. Ibid., 309.

52. Ana Elisa Cascao and Mark Zeitoun, “Power, Hegemony and Critical Hydropolitics,” in Transboundary Water Management: Principles and Practice, edited by A. Earle, A. Jaegerskog, and J. Ojendal (London, UK: Earthscan, 2010).

53. Mustafa Al-Labbad, “Egypt, Ethiopia Headed for War over Water,” al-Safir, 18 March 2013.

54. A. F. K. Organski and Jacek Kugler, The War Ledger (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); H. Houweling and J. G. Siccama, “Power Transitions as a Cause of War,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 32, no. 1 (1988): 87–102; Charles F. Doran, Systems in Crisis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

55. Douglas Lemke, “Small States and War,” in Parity and War, edited by Jacek Kugler and Douglas Lemke (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996).

56. William B. Moul, “Dangerous Balances, 1816–1989: A Simple Theory with Longitudinal Evidence,” Review of International Studies 28, no. 3 (2002): 657–676; William B. Moul, “Power Parity, Preponderance and War between Great Powers, 1816–1989,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 47, no. 4 (2003): 468–489.

57. See, for example, Thierry Balzacq, “The Three Faces of Securitization: Political Agency, Audience and Context,” European Journal of International Relations 11, no. 2 (2005): 171–201; Holger Stritzel, “Towards a Theory of Securitization: Copenhagen and Beyond,” European Journal of International Relations 13, no. 3 (2007): 357–383; Philipp Kluefers, “Security Repertoires: Towards a Sociopragmatist Framing of Securitization Processes,” Critical Studies on Security 2, no. 1 (2014): 278–292.

58. Lene Hansen, “Reconstructing Desecuritisation,” Review of International Studies 38, no. 2 (2012): 526. See also Sarah Leonard and Christian Kaunert, “Reconceptualizing the Audience in Securitization Theory,” in Securitization Theory, edited by Thierry Balzacq (London: Routledge, 2011), 59.

59. Christopher S. Browning and Pertti Joenniemi, “Karelia as a Finnish-Russian Issue: Re-negotiating the Relationship between National Identity, Territory and Sovereignty” (EU-Russia Paper No. 18, Centre for EU-Russia Studies, University of Tartu, 5 May 2014).

60. Hansen, “Reconstructing Desecuritisation,” 530. A good example of the type of simplistic argumentation that Hansen criticizes can be found in Kristian Atland, “Mikhail Gorbachev, the Murmansk Initiative, and the Desecuritization of Interstate Relations in the Arctic,” Cooperation and Conflict 43, no. 3 (2008): 305.

61. Stefano Guzzini, “Securitization as a Causal Mechanism,” Security Dialogue 42, nos. 4–5 (2011): 335.

62. Hansen, “Reconstructing Desecuritisation,” 533.

63. Ibid., 539–545.

64. Ibid., 543.

65. Andrea Oelsner, “(De)Securitisation Theory and Regional Peace: Some Theoretical Reflections and a Case Study on the Way to Stable Peace” (EUI Working Paper RSCAS No. 2005/27, European University Institute, San Domenico di Fiesole, 4, 2005).

66. Claudia Aradau, “Security and the Democratic Scene: Desecuritization and Emancipation,” Journal of International Relations and Development 7, no. 1 (2004): 404.

67. Matti Jutila, “Desecuritizing Minority Rights: Against Determinism,” Security Dialogue 37, no. 3 (2006): 181.

68. Rita Floyd, “Towards a Consequentialist Evaluation of Security: Bringing Together the Copenhagen and the Welsh Schools of Security Studies,” Review of International Studies 33, no. 2 (2007): 347. For an instance of employing passive voice with regard to a concrete case, see Viatcheslav Morozov, “Russia in the Baltic Sea Region: Desecuritization or Deregionalization?” Cooperation and Conflict 39, no. 3 (2004): 325.

69. Thierry Balzacq, “A Theory of Securitization: Origins, Core Assumptions and Variants,” in Securitization Theory, edited by Balzacq, (London: Routledge, 2011), 3.

70. Stritzel, “Towards a Theory of Securitization.”

71. Didier Bigo, “Security and Immigration: Toward a Critique of the Governmentality of Unease,” Alternatives 27, no. 3 (2002): 63–92. Ole Waever sensibly points out that one does not have to occupy a formal or credentialed position of authority in order to make authoritative pronouncements concerning national security. See Ole Waever, “The EU as a Security Actor,” in International Relations Theory and the Politics of European Integration, edited by Morten Kelstrup and Michael C. Williams (London: Routledge, 2000).

72. Leonard and Kaunert, “Reconceptualizing the Audience,” 57.

73. John Sfakianakis, “The Whales of the Nile: Networks, Businessmen, and Bureaucrats during the Era of Privatization in Egypt,” in Networks of Privilege in the Middle East, edited by Steven Heydemann (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

74. Amr Ismail Adly, “The Workers’ Movement in Egypt,” Socialist Review 25, no. 4 (2009): 12.

75. Hazem Fahmy, “An Initial Perspective on ‘The Winter of Discontent’: The Root Causes of the Egyptian Revolution,” Social Research 79, no. 4 (2012): 364; Salwa Ismail, “A Private Estate Called Egypt,” Guardian, 6 February 2011.

76. Sfakianakis, “Whales of the Nile,” 93.

77. Hamouda Chekir and Ishac Diwan, “Distressed Whales on the Nile: Egypt [sic] Capitalists in the Wake of the 2010 [sic] Revolution” (CID Working Paper No. 250, Center for International Development, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, November 2012).

78. Middle East Economic Digest (MEED), 4–10 March 2011.

79. MEED, 11–17 March 2011.

80. MEED, 22–28 April 2011.

81. Robert Springborg, “The Political Economy of the Arab Spring,” Mediterranean Politics 16, no. 2 (2011): 429.

82. MEED, 9–15 December 2011.

83. MEED, 1–17 February 2013.

84. MEED, 6–12 April 2012.

85. MEED, Annual Report 2012.

86. al-Misri al-Yawm, 6 March 2011.

87. Businessweek, 7 July 2011.

88. al-Misriyyun, 21 July 2011.

89. al-Ahram Online, 28 February 2012; Gilbert Achcar, “Extreme Capitalism of the Muslim Brothers,” Le Monde Diplomatique, June 2013.

90. al-Misri al-Yawm, 26 March 2012; Businessweek, 19 April 2012.

91. Jason Hickel, “Neoliberal Egypt: The Hijacked Revolution,” al-Jazeera, 29 March 2012; Achcar, “Extreme Capitalism.”

92. MEED, 9–15 December 2011.

93. MEED, 9–15 December 2011.

94. MEED, 29 June–6 July 2012.

95. Reuters, 7 September 2012.

96. al-Ahram Weekly, 20 February 2013.

97. al-Ahram Weekly, 21–27 February 2013.

98. Egypt Independent, 27 December 2012.

99. Emily Regan Wills, “Politicizing Egypt’s Economic Reform,” foreignpolicy.com (accessed 10 December 2012).

100. Stephane Lacroix, Sheikhs and Politicians: Inside the New Egyptian Salafism (Doha, Qatar: Brookings Doha Center, 2012), 6.

101. al-monitor.com, 12 June 2013.

102. Asya El-Meehy, “Egypt’s Popular Committees from Moments of Madness to NGO Dilemmas,” Middle East Report no. 265 (2012); al-Misri al-Yawm, 24 April 2013.

103. Willis, “Politicizing Egypt’s Economic Reform.”

104. Associated Press, 30 April 2013.

105. The National, 2 July 2013.

106. Joel Beinin, “Workers, Trade Unions and Egypt’s Political Future,” Middle East Report Online, 18 January 2013.

107. Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Workers and January 25th: A Social Movement in Historical Context,” Social Research 79, no. 5 (2012): 342; International Crisis Group, Lost in Transition: The World according to Egypt’s SCAF, Middle East North Africa Report No. 121, 24 April 2012: 163; Hesham Sallam, “Striking Back at Egyptian Workers,” Middle East Report no. 259 (2011).

108. Cam McGrath, “Independent Unions Flourish in Post-Mubarak Egypt,” The Middle East, May 2011; Anne Alexander, “The Workers’ Movement in Egypt,” Socialist Review (2012); al-monitor.com, 13 October 2012.

109. MEED, 8–14 August 2012.

110. Joel Beinin, The Rise of Egypt’s Workers (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, June 2012).

111. Ibid.; Los Angeles Times, 22 July 2012; Nadine Abdalla, Egypt’s Workers—From Protest Movement to Organized Labor, SWP Comments No. 32, German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin, October 2012.

112. al-Ahram Online, 8 October 2012; al-Akhbar, 29 October 2012; Egypt Independent, 31 December 2012; Beinin, “Workers, Trade Unions and Egypt’s Political Future.”

113. Robert Springborg, “Egypt’s Cobra and Mongoose,” foreignpolicy.com (27 February 2012).

114. International Crisis Group, Lost in Transition, 22; Zeinab Abul-Magd, “The Army and the Economy in Egypt,” jadaliyya.com (accessed 23 December 2011); Zeinab Abul-Magd, Egypt’s Politics of Hidden Business Empires (New York: Atlantic Council, 5 October 2012).

115. Shana Marshall and Joshua Stacher, “Egypt’s Generals and Transnational Capital,” Middle East Report no. 262 (2012): 13.

116. Ibid., 17.

117. Zeinab Abul-Magd, “Understanding SCAF,” Cairo Review of International Affairs 6, no. 3 (2012): 158.

118. International Crisis Group, Lost in Transition, 23.

119. Afro FM, 18 May 2013.

120. al-Sharq al-Awsat, 6 December 2011; Jonathan AC Brown, “The Rise and Fall of the Salafi al-Nour Party in Egypt,” jadaliyya.com (accessed 14 November 2013).

121. Abul-Magd, “Egypt’s Politics,” 2012; Zeinab Abul-Magd, “The Generals’ Secret: Egypt’a Ambivalent Market,” Sada, 9 February 2012.

122. Mona El-Kouedi, “From Morsi with Love,” Sada, 12 March 2013.

123. al-Ahram, 27 January 2013; al-Hayah, 5 February 2013.

124. al-Hayah, 15 March 2013.

125. Naglaa Mekkawi, “A Love, Hate Relationship: Al-Nour and Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood,” alarabiya.net (accessed 22 August 2013).

126. Abdelrahman Youssef, “Egypt’s New Rulers Face Crisis with Ethiopia over Nile,” al-monitor.com (accessed 24 July 2013); Ayah Aman, “Egypt-Ethiopia Nile Talks End on Sour Note,” al-monitor.com (accessed 7 November 2013); Nizar Manek, “Water Politics along the Nile,” Le Monde Diplomatique, May 2014.

127. Ayah Aman, “Egypt-Sudan Ties Deteriorate over Nile,” al-monitor.com (accessed 18 September 2013); Alden Young, “Sudan Shifts Alliance from Egypt to Ethiopia over Nile Dispute,” al-monitor.com (accessed 7 October 2013).

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