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Abstract
Starting in the 1990s, calls for ‘transformation’ in Zimbabwean cricket gained momentum, reaching a crescendo in the period between 1999 and 2005. While racial representativeness was a rallying call among advocates of transformation, the coalitions formed were in some cases very fluid. The major reason for this is that numerous struggles played out among and between groups resulting in continuous reconfigurations among key players. Using Zimbabwean cricket’s experience in the post-2000 period as well as drawing similarities with the indigenization lobby, this article highlights the flaws within the transformation agenda. In short, it argues that transformation falls short where it is framed in teleological terms instead of being structured as a process.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
2 High density areas are residential neighbourhoods which are characterized by high population density as well as relatively poor service delivery. They exist in contradistinction to low density areas whose roots lie in racially differentiated spatial zoning during colonial and pre-independence Zimbabwe.
3 Racial fissures continue to plague the sport today. See http://www.aljazeeera.com/news/2015/11/sports-zimbabwe-engulfed-bitter-legacy-racism-151115081015686.html
4 Henry Olonga, Mpumelelo Mbangwa and Everton Matambanadzo had been selected to represent Zimbabwe as recently as between 1996 and 1999.
5 Ali H. Omarshah, Ujesh Ranchod, Henry K. Olonga, Everton Z. Matambanadzo, Mpumelelo Mbangwa and Trevor N. Madondo.
6 A.H. Omarshah; M.A. Meman; U. Ranchod, H.K. Olonga; M. Mbangwa; E.Z. Matambanadzo; T.N. Madondo; M.L. Nkala and D.T. Mutendera.
7 The majority of people in Zimbabwe are classified as African with people identifying as white constituting a very small proportion of the population. For example, in 1980, the white population was slightly lower than 170,000 (Mandaza, Citation1986); in 1992, Zimbabwe’s white community accounted for 0.8 per cent, or about 82 000, of a total population of 10.5 million and in the latest population data (summarized at http://worldpoplationreview.com/countries/zimbabwe-population/) accounted for less than 1% of the 12,973,808 people enumerated.
8 Terms such as Jambanja and invocation of The Chimurenga spirit were emblematic of the dominant discourse of the time by the government.
9 In pre-independence Zimbabwe, cricket tended to assume differential lines according to geographic location (country districts, Matabeleland cricket teams sidelined) and race (selection of tour players often took racial tones) white teams only toured).
10 Sellouts (vatengesi/abatengisi) are traitors in common discourse within Zimbabwe. The language is often deployed by ZANU PF and state officials to identify persons or groups which they deem opponents of their agenda. The term was commonly used during the liberation war to identify traitors and treacherous people and has persisted to modern Zimbabwe.
11 Ironically, it was thanks to ESAP that indigenization markedly took off in the 1990s. As Raftopoulos (1996) notes, ESAP ensured that ‘frustrated aspirations of the emerging African elite could no longer be ideologically repressed’.
12 The turn of the millennium marks a significant shift in the relations between the state because indigenization was no longer confined to middle class interests but became a populist buzzword appropriated by the state for political gain.
13 For a brief discussion of the rise of Strive Masiyiwa and the rise of his firm Econet, see Velamuri (Citation2003).
14 Partly in recognition of this shortcoming, a later innovation to the administration of the game culminated in the 1999-founded CFX Academy.
15 Zimbabwe: Ministry of Sport and Recreation, National Sport and Recreation Policy (NSRP), 2016.
16 The generational differences often relied on a characterisation of ‘born-frees’ (those born in independent Zimbabwe) as ungrateful, often ignorant beneficiaries. Their direct opposite would be older generations which claimed more legitimacy and rights to resources by virtue of having been born in a time of colonial or settler occupation. This latter generation appropriated claims to Zimbabweanness at the expense of other younger generations, a situation which was manifest even in the acquisition of land during the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. The ‘born-free’ youths were not entirely helpless as they managed to form groups which reclaimed their legitimacy in the new struggle dubbed the ‘Third Chimurenga’. For a brief look into youth mobilisations and strategies, see: Chaumba, Scoones and Wolmer (2003).
17 Indigenization groupings have various contrasting positions and these schisms can also be identified in Zimbabwean cricket where regionalism, race and the politics of space also play out. For contrasting views presented over the implementation of indigenization, see: Magure (Citation2012); http://www.newzimbabwe.com/news-10490-Interview+Gideon+Gono+on+indigenization/news.aspx#.htm; Noko and Thonje (Citation2014). Schisms in Zimbabwean cricket have been alluded to in the Tom de Castella (2004) interview as well as during meetings held over racism in Zimbabwean cricket; see: http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/old/apr20_2004.html; https://amp.theguardian.com/sport/blog/2009/oct/13/the-spin-zimbabwe-cricket