A morphogenetic approach to sport and social inclusion: a case study of good will’s reproductive power

Abstract

Recently, it has been suggested that critical realism offers a potential lens to understand sport and social change. This paper utilizes a case study with a Swedish martial arts club, renowned for its social inclusion culture and undertaking of a refugee initiative. I analyze this material according to Archer’s (1995) morphogenetic approach. The results show that several issues prevent the refugees’ social inclusion. According to the morphogenetic approach, these issues are due to structural- and cultural conditions, which partially set the stage for how the club responds to diversity. In contemplating incidents that hamper the initiative, informants deliberated how refugees fail to adopt specific ways of training and behaving. The narratives reflect the broader Swedish political climate concerning migrants’ adaptation, where assimilation, rather than integration, is preferred. Thus, the paper contributes towards the (critical) realist-understanding of sport and social inclusion and offers insights into generative mechanisms that underpin exclusionary practices.

Keywords:

• Social inclusion
• critical realism
• the morphogenetic approach
• social change
• migration

Introduction

A central idea has been that sport is universal in its nature, thus carrying an intrinsic potential to bring different groups and individuals together. This idea is prominent in the Nordic regions and reflects the broader political climate. For example, since the 1980s, the political vision of a ‘school for all’ has consistently aimed to include all children in the Swedish school system and meet individual requirements (Brodin and Lindstrand 2010). However, such attempts have faced numerous issues, and there is a gap between policy and practice (Haug 1999). In a similar vein, the (European) ‘sport-for-all’ policy asserts that everyone should have equal rights and access to sport and its benefits. In reality, sport for all is a concept conditioned by a myriad of factors, ranging from socioeconomic- and spatial segregation to the organizational capacity of sport clubs (Elmose-Østerlund et al. 2019).

Scholars have repeatedly critiqued sport clubs- and programs for emphasizing individual change, although social inequalities are generally acknowledged as structural issues (Ekholm 2017; Ekholm, Dahlstedt, and Rönnbäck 2019). For example, Ekholm (2017) examined a sport intervention operating in a socioeconomically deprived area. The agents behind the initiative were aware that segregation and social ills were the results of structural issues, such as discrimination, labor conditions and lacking political attention to these areas. However, the solution at hand was governing techniques, aiming to educate individuals into being ‘proper’ citizens. How sport can contribute toward structural change is still largely unknown and under-theorized.

Recently, Lindsey and Wiltshire (2022) suggested that sport-for-development research needs to address this issue and the ontological assumptions that underpin our analysis of social transformation. Following the emergence of critical realism (CR) in sport studies, the authors suggested that Archer’s (1995) morphogenetic approach may offer a viable lens to analyze social transformation or reproduction (Lindsey and Wiltshire 2022). Archer’s (1995) contribution lies in her notion of analytical dualism; to separate structure, culture, and agency, and their interactions to map out causal trajectories. Structure and agency are perceived as two analytically separate entities yet analyzed over time with respect for one another. However, not much empirical work has been done despite calls for scholars to consider a CR-conceptualization of sport research (Downward 2005). A central aim of this paper is to explore further how CR contributes to our understanding of sport and social inclusion. Specifically, this paper explores, through the morphogenetic approach, how everyone’s equal access to sport is conditioned by power laden structures, and how agents within these structures either allow for the reproduction of exclusionary schemes or attempt to transform these structures.

The paper uses a case study approach and scrutinizes a Swedish martial arts club with a social inclusion agenda from the morphogenetic perspective (Archer, 1995). This case study serves as an illustration of the mechanisms that underpin the outcomes of one particular sport- and social change project. The paper will proceed as follows. First, I briefly review the tenets of CR and its emergence in sport studies. Secondly, I introduce Archer’s (1995) morphogenetic approach. Thirdly, keeping in mind how CR argues for a socio-historical understanding of settings, I introduce a brief review of Swedish sport. Subsequently, I account for the case’s background and methodological choices, after which I present the results and conclusions.

Critical realism in sport studies

CR asserts a mind-independent reality, but that knowledge is historically, socially, and culturally mediated. Accordingly, CR combines a relativist epistemology with an objectivist ontology (Collier 1994). While simultaneously rejecting empiricism, CR relies on transcendental arguments. This latches on to the stratified nature of the world. First, in the empirical realm, we can observe, feel, and sense, i.e. the realm where empirical matters can be expressed and observed. Second, in the actual realm, incidents and occurrences happen, whether we can conceive of it or not. Finally, in the real realm, causal forces and generative mechanisms operate beyond our ability to observe them (Bhaskar 2014). CR’s stratified approach distinguishes itself against the traditionally used meta-theories. In contrast to interpretivism, CR’s ontological claim is that there is an objective reality. However, in contrast to positivism, CR asserts that this reality is obscured and that we only can make attempts at observing glimpses of reality. CR thus takes a middle ground and invokes the notion of judgmental rationality. Interpretivism argues for multiple realities, where a ‘correct’ one cannot be decided. Positivism argues for one correct reality, visible through empirical observations. CR rejects both approaches and argues that ‘real’ forces may not be observerable but still exist – this means that some realities are more likely to be ‘true’ than others and that proper theory must guide this analysis (Collier 1994).

CR is becoming increasingly popular in sport studies; however, much empirical research remains to be done (Lusted 2018). Yet, in sport psychology, some researchers have been adamant in highlighting CR’s potential. This includes papers highlighting CR as the basis for mixed-methods research (Ryba et al. 2022), interdisciplinarity (Wiltshire 2018) and methodological considerations (Ronkainen and Wiltshire 2021; Wiltshire and Ronkainen 2021). Moreover, CR has underpinned psychological studies of athletes’ retirement (Brown et al. 2019), burnout (Sorkkila et al. 2020), performance (Brown, Butt, and Sarkar 2020) and sport and migration (Ely and Ronkainen 2021).

CR is still an underutilized concept in sport policy- and organizational studies. Downward (2005) early voiced the need to consider how sport policy research may benefit from a realist-ontology. Eight years later examined Byers (2013) sport volunteers within clubs. Later, Lusted (2018) examined the implementation of sport and social equity policies in English soccer organizations. Lusted (2018) took the reader through several phases, which constituted the basis for using the morphogenetic approach. Lusted (2018) needed to understand why the implementation of equity policies faced resistance. A historical analysis revealed that English grassroots soccer is characterized by ideals of amateurism. This ideal was a structural condition which de-limited the space in which the actors negotiated (without implying determinism; Archer, 1995). Since this ideal seemed particularly strong, key actors were reluctant to accept equity policies and argued that it seemed contradictory to provide some with an initial advantage. Serving partially as an incentive to this article is the work of Lindsey and Wiltshire (2022). Lindsey and Wiltshire (2022, p. 1) highlight the need for SFD-research to’ . . . substantially address fundamental ontological assumptions and underlying conceptualizations of transformative social change’ with reference to the potential of Archer’s work.

The morphogenetic approach

Archer’s morphogenetic approach must be understood in light of what she critiques. Succinctly put, Archer (1995) rejects the idea that individuals drive, change, and make up a society at their free disposal and will (i.e. the ‘under socialized’ individual). Likewise, Archer (1995) rejects that the structure deterministically steers individuals in certain directions without considering individuals’ agency (i.e. the ‘over socialized’ individual). Archer (1995) equally rejects Giddens (1984) structuration theory - that structure and agency both mediate the outcomes, and thus are analytically inseparable.

Analytical dualism asserts that both structure and agency are ‘real’ forces that interact with each other over time but can be analytically separated. Structure refers to material resources and physical institutions. Culture is referred to as the ideas and doctrines constitutive of the ideational environment agents are embedded within. The key lies in understanding the temporal phases.

The morphogenetic approach is constituted by three phases. The first phase is the structural/cultural conditioning phase. Archer (1995) asserts that structures precede the individual; individuals are born into a pre-existing structure. The mechanisms which socialize the individual work through macro-level situational mechanisms, such as the state, the school and sport teams. In the second, interactional phase, the agency comes into play. Archer (2003) emphasizes individuals’ reflexivity as a key factor in the negotiation between the individual’s agency with the structural conditions. Thus, causal power is derived from the agency of individuals. Archer’s (2003) understanding of reflexivity is that individuals possess the capacity to contemplate their first-order mental activities, such as desires and emotions. However, individuals do not always adopt the ‘right’ belief about things; Archer’s (2003) argument is that individuals are aware of the beliefs they inherit, regardless of the factual correctness.

To invoke change, individuals turn into collectivities based on a certain agenda to garnish the power necessary to produce social change (or maintain their hegemonic position). An important argument is that the structural conditions shape the situation the individuals operate within (Archer 2003). This means that structural conditions impinge on the individuals’ conditions and can enable or constrain it. However, it is still left to the agents to respond to these structural conditions. Archer’s (1995) argument is that certain situational logics are created as a product of the relational nature between structure and agency. These logics make it seem more logical to adopt different courses of action. For example, a protectionist logic may be invoked when an actor’s socially valuable position is threatened and when they do not gain anything from abandoning it. Other situational logic may be at odds with dominating ones and thus compete, negotiate, or eliminate other logic(s). Relatedly, culture and structure interact with each other in several ways as situational logics arise. Agents who protect their current ways may be in a beneficial material position (structural) and draw from cultural ideas that continually reinforce their usage of this position (culture). To translate this into an example, we return briefly to Lusted (2018). The situational logic that prevented social equity policies’ implementation arouse partially as a function of members’ disdain for political involvement in British sport, and a strong internal belief that these policies worked in reverse, i.e. giving unfair advantages to certain populations, thus contradicting the nature of the game.

In the final phase, the result of the interactional phase is crystallized into either structural/cultural transformation or reproduction. This marks the point where actors have found themselves within the structurally set confined space they negotiate within, and in some way, making choices based on opportunities, barriers, and scenarios they have encountered and deliberated.

Contextual background

Migration, integration, and Nordic sport

To understand how context conditions actors’ space of negotiation according to a CR-conceptualization, it is essential to situate the Swedish sport movement in the broader climate briefly. Sweden, a universalist welfare state and once called the ‘flagship of multiculturalism’ (Borevi 2012) has undergone political and social changes throughout the last decades. This includes implications for the Swedish migration policy. Once famous for its multiculturalism and safeguarding of human rights, Sweden has seen a neoliberal political shift, where right-wing parties have surged (Dahlstedt and Neergaard 2019). The question of migrants’ integration has become contested and polarized, with a profound focus on how migrants display their belonging to Swedish society. While sport in this regard has been used for a long time in Sweden to address social issues, a remarkable instrumental use of sport can be discerned that coincides with this political shift through various initiatives (Ekholm & Dahlstedt, 2021). It is with this brief pre-understanding that we now turn to an overview of the Swedish sport movement.

Swedish sport

The Swedish Sports Confederation (SSC) is the body that governs Swedish sport. Since SSC’s inception in 1903, its administration has remained stable, where regional, local, and special federations operate under SSC’s umbrella. SSC is a non-governmental umbrella organization that functions as the government’s extended arm into the Swedish sport sphere. Since 1970, SSC has been granted the power to act on behalf of the government (Norberg, 2002) and distribute governmental funds to organizations. According to SSC, Swedish sport is characterized by joy and community, democratic participation- and values, everyone’s equal right to participate, and fair play (SSC, 2019). Cornerstones of the Swedish sport movement are membership-based sporting, communitarianism, democracy, and volunteerism. Sport volunteerism is particularly strong within the Nordic regions, and is important to social integration in VSCs (Elmose-Østerlund et al. 2019). This is a direct reflection of the Nordic welfare context. In 2012, 3,147,000 out of 9.5 million Swedish citizens were members in one (or more) of Sweden’s 20,164 VSCs (Swedish Sports Confederation, 2012).

VSCs are financially dependent upon three sources: membership fees, commercial revenues, and public funding from the SSC. Additionally, VSCs can apply for funding for social initiatives. Between 2002 and 2006, the SSC received 100 million euros for ‘The Handshake’, while the project ‘The Lift for Sport’ (2007 to 2011) was granted 200 million euros. This reflects a western trend, where funding has increased to governing sport bodies for developmental outcomes (Agergaard 2018). In such projects, VSCs apply for funding to promote sport-for-all and develop activities that attract underrepresented groups. Since the state supports the sport movement financially, this puts them in a position to shape social goals and normative frameworks (SOU: 2008).

Juxtaposed increased flows of migration, sport has been considered a universal vehicle to bridge inter-ethnic divides by Nordic authorities (Walseth and Fasting 2004) and facilitate intercultural understanding. Accordingly, a central concern is to facilitate and increase migrants’ sporting participation. This is not easily attained - ethnic minorities are described as resource weak with poor knowledge of sport volunteerism and in ‘need’ of interventions (Ekholm and Dahlstedt 2019; Ekholm and Lindström Sol 2020). This lacking knowledge works as an exclusionary mechanism, especially since Nordic sport is fraught with heavy bureaucracy (Hertting and Karlefors 2021). Although stakeholders acknowledge structural issues causing divides, sport is intended to spark individual adjustment through ‘. . . shaping motivated, responsible and self-governing citizen subjects’ (Ekholm 2017 p. 60). Accordingly, sport clubs generally expect individuals to adapt, but pay less attention to how structural features must accommodate social inclusion. Intuitively, it seems problematic to expect individual adaptation to a highly bureaucratic and value-laden sport sphere without considering pre-existing preferences, knowledge, or needs (Mickelsson, 2021). This observation is, of course, not unique to the Swedish context (e.g. Jeanes, O’ Connor, and Alfrey 2015).

The ‘implicit contract’ problem

VSCs are autonomous in terms of their organizational scope, although they depend on SSC funding. The link between VSCs and the government has been called an ‘implicit contract’ (Norberg 2011). Ironically, VSCs are expected to materialize social policies, although they possess a great degree of autonomy. For the SSC to enjoy continued governmental funding and political relevance, sport needs to prove itself useful; thus, there is a give-and-take relationship between the state and the sport movement despite vague contractual details. The autonomy and volunteerism combined with the political pressure for VSC’s to be vehicles of social change have been problematic, since it is difficult to push VSCs in social-policy directions (Stenling and Fahlén 2021).

In a nationally representative sample of Swedish VSCs, it was found that VSCs were little concerned about social policies (Stenling and Fahlén 2016). Instead, VSCs favor traditional values (competition; Skille 2010). Secondly, from the inception of the project starts, ‘. . . each organizational level in the sports system has forwarded the responsibility for development to the next level below (Fahlén, Eliasson, and Wickman 2015)’. The reluctant VSCs are the sole recipients of this responsibility (Fahlén, Eliasson, and Wickman 2015). These initiatives seemingly reproduce the sport participation pattern instead of including new groups (Fahlén 2017) or, in extreme cases, cause divides between the majority- and minority population (Dowling 2020).

One important study in the Swedish context was performed by Karp et al. (2014), who evaluated the projects above. The authors conclude that most funded VSC’s are more concerned with strengthening ongoing activities, but rarely develop their organizational activities to attract new groups. Thus, the incentive of funding is overshadowed by existing norms and ideas (Fahlén and Karp 2010) and works poorly to induce organizational change in Swedish VSCs (Stenling and Fahlén 2016). One important feature of Karp et al.’s (2014) study is their conceptualization of Swedish VSC’s path-dependency. This path-dependency is rooted in the traditions of Swedish sport, which misaligns with the scope of recruiting minority groups. Instead, these traditions reinforce practices that appeal to an already existing population within Swedish sport. Path-dependency here refers to the structural conditions as referred to by Archer (1995). Yet, this conceptualization somewhat omits agency, thus causing ‘downward conflation’ from Archer’s perspective. These findings are intertwined with the questions of migration. Underrepresented groups, by definition, always include migrants and ethnic minorities. However, it is also worth noting that contemporary evidence point to the increase in sport clubs that take social inclusion seriously and through creative means (e.g. Bjärsholm et al. 2018). Shortly summarized, while traditions have historically hindered sport clubs’ social inclusion of migrants, the Swedish sport movement evolve and work with this issue. However, it is an ongoing and dynamic process.

The VSC

An information-oriented approach to choosing VSC was adopted, where the study sought to locate a deviant case (Flyvbjerg 2006). The choice of VSC was guided by Stenling and Fahlén (2016) categorizations of VSCs. Stenling and Fahlén (2016) surveyed a nationally representative sample of VSCs in Sweden to create a typology based on the different logics. Their typology consists of 10 categories. For the current purpose, the most important categories were the ‘Sports Educating Club’, meaning the VSCs provided competitive sport, aimed to recruit youths, and relied on volunteerism and the ‘Social Fostering Club’, meaning VSCs were concerned with the ‘. . . production of democratic, socially integrated citizens’ (p. 875). The latter category was characterized by its involvement in ancillary social activities, often intertwined with other societal institutions, but were few in numbers. Subsequently, the SSC was consulted, and a final list of VSCs was constructed. Careful consideration was given to how the VSCs had displayed tendencies towards policy-implementing. Three VSCs were asked to participate, of which two declined. In Stenling and Fahlén (2016) terminology, the included VSC satisfied criteria both in the ‘Sports Educating Club’ category and the ‘Social Fostering Club’. The VSC has been known to engage in several welfare tasks, such as offering free training for refugees and females and donating money to social causes. In this case, the paper focused specifically on the refugee initiatives.

Various official institutions have awarded the VSC for their work, including competitive and social achievements. The VSC is situated in an area with high socioeconomic status. The facilities are top-modern, with multiple floors containing reception, shop, café, gyms, club rooms and so forth. Although being a VSC, it has multiple full-time employees and thus large organizational capacity. In this sense, the VSC is not representative of the Swedish VSCs in terms of capacity and finances but represents core ideas of Swedish sport, as we will see.

Method and data

The study used data triangulation, as appropriate in case study designs (Yin, 2009), and from a CR perspective (Ryba et al. 2022). The material derived here is the VSC’s documents, participant observations from a three-month stay at the VSC, and five semi-structured interviews with personnel within the VSC.

Firstly, one part of the documents from the VSC was freely available through their website. Additional documents were made available through the sport manager. This material consisted of the VSC’s explicated rules and normative framework and a detailed description of the VSC’s aim and organizational structure. The first documents, the rules, and the normative framework, were handed out to new members, who in turn took part of the material in the initial stages of their membership. These documents served as an entry point in understanding the VSC’s message about normative standpoint, societal awareness, and how the VSC’s practices related to such. Importantly, they constituted an important symbolical entrance into the VSC, since new members had to read and sign the documents. The documents retrieved from the sport manager concerned detailed organizational structures and history.

Secondly, a three-month ethnographical endeavor was conducted, where I participated two to three times a week in the training sessions. This was done after which I had been assigned the documents myself. During the fieldwork, I revisited these documents and attempted to make further sense of how these values and normative frameworks were expressed in situ. This added to the documents’ authenticity and further informed my understanding of how these frameworks were pursued. Fieldnotes were taken after sessions, and in conjunction with other observations in the gym, such as in hallways or where the normative framework exerted its powers. These observations intended to illuminate the micro-expressions of the VSC’s structural conditions and how individuals negotiated these conditions.

Finally, the bulk of the material was five semi-structured interviews with the VSC’s personnel. The choice of interviewees was based on purposive sampling and sought to acquire information from the key persons within the organizations that were essential to the VSC’s day-to-day activities. To explore the coherence of the VSC’s image, perceptions of initiatives etc., the interviewees ranged in their decision capacity. The interviewee characteristics are displayed in Table 1.

Table 1. Participant characteristics.

Participant	Age	Sex	Role	Time in VSC
1	31	Female	Coach and elite practitioner	5 years
2	44	Male	Coach	17 years
3	45	Male	Sport manager	20 years
4	39	Male	Coach	8 years
5	29	Male	Board member	6 years

An interview guide was constructed to ensure coverage of the main topics of the study. This included the VSC’s history, organization, scope, coaches, board members, and leaders’ interests, prioritizations, and actions. Interviewees took place in the VSC or through digital means and ranged between 45 minutes to one hour. All interviews were transcribed verbatim. Considering the CR-emphasis, the questions were formulated to reach a deeper understanding of generative mechanisms and situational logics that underpinned actions and narratives. Thus, attempts were made to understand why certain actions were made, and how this related to a priori structure and (subsequent) agency (Brönnimann 2022). For example, informants were always asked to, broadly, contemplate and describe how the VSC’s structure and tradition informed their own actions and understanding of various things.

One important consideration should be highlighted here – I initially intended to get the refugees’ perspective too. Indicative of what the results section holds, the one refugee within the VSC that was contacted declined. The study thus takes as its departure the ideas and voices of the ‘dominant’ ones to understand how social inclusion is enacted and resisted.

Ethical considerations

In order to maintain the anonymity of the VSC, organizational and individual features are described vaguely. No personal or sensitive data was collected, and participants were asked for consent, informed of the purpose, anonymity, confidentiality, and the right to quit their participation at any time without giving any reason to do so. The study was ethically approved (DNR: 2021-03116). The sport manager was made aware of the observations that took place and a poster was put up to inform the club population, stating necessary information. This was done since classes were too big and too tight on time to allow for directly addressing these aspects every time practice occurred. Individuals that partook in conversations in connection with the observations were informed of my position. I followed Thorpe and Olive (2016) in attempting to be as transparent as possible through various measures, but had to adapt to the dynamic of varying situations. From an ethical perspective, it is also worth noting that the study did not explore underserved populations’ struggle, but a population with dominant societal and agenda-setting status, even beyond the gym.

Results

The results follow the CR conception that we need to understand the structure/culture of the VSC, to further elucidate critical events where this structure is reacted and enacted upon. The first section outlines an exploration of the ideational and historical environment of the VSC. Subsequently, I explore how these conditioning factors look in situ and in the informants’ narratives. Finally, I present the case of the refugee initiative.

Laying the (structural and cultural) foundation

To illuminate what the VSC officially represented and why, the official documents were scrutinized. A mixture of martial arts philosophy meshed with broader political goals was discerned. Considering the first, references were made to budo – a martial arts concept with roots in Japan that emphasizes self-development and rests on the foundations of discipline, humility, loyalty, endurance, and determination. One martial arts philosopher, Cynarski (2013), posits that practitioners of budo attempt to unify their minds, develop character and morality, and to cultivate discipline and respect.

Yet, this is not the only conditioner discerned from the documents. As Cynarski (2019) argues, martial arts’ axiology in specific settings is of great importance. In Cynarski’s (2019) analysis of karateka student and coaches’ relationship, Cynarski argues that this relationship is conditioned by traditions of Confucianism, and further influenced by how hierarchical a given society is. Here, the document bridges the divide between budo and the Swedish axionormative elements by using metaphors. For example, one metaphor (written in Japanese) marks the word ‘the way’ and ‘the place’. The conveyed message is that ‘the way’ represents the way towards a world in peace, without antagonism based on age, ethnicity, sex, or religion. ‘The place’ represents the VSC, where efforts are being made daily to walk this path. As this passage ends, so do the references to martial arts philosophy. Instead, messages relevant to the Nordic political climate are voiced; ideals of democracy, equity, and social solidarity.

The aim to contribute towards the democratic shaping of citizens corresponds well with the overarching purpose of Swedish sport, namely to instill democratic ideals within its practitioners (SSC, 2019). Additionally, according to Bairner’s (2010) observations on Nordic sport, the main theme is social solidarity. The ideational foundation (Archer, 1995) thus seemed conditioned by these ideas and institutions that invoked assumptions about the VSC’s societal role. Social solidarity was emphasized during both formal and informal conversations. For example, during the interview with the sport manager, a key brand for the club was the ‘tight organizational ship they run’ and how this was linked to the social cohesion between members. The informants frequently emphasized this as the social driving force in the gym and was not a peripheral implicit notion. Instead, it was explained in both documents, on the website and a commonly known ‘way of behaving’, which will be further explored later.

In summary, mapping out the conditions which impinged upon the VSC’s practitioners and the informants, a mixture of Asian philosophical theorems (emphasizing stoic and virtuous characteristics) was blended with Nordic ideals (volunteerism, welfare, equity, social solidarity) and seemed to be represented in various frameworks, discourses, and explicit rules of the VSC.

Organizational culture and equality on ‘the mat’

In between rounds, I ask Matt, a middle-aged white carpenter, how he thinks the VSC contributes to society. In his reply, Matt is confident that the VSC has a major role to play, at least in the local municipality.

‘. . .man, not only are we making kids and adults move and feel good about themselves, we have a culture [. . .] which can’t be paralleled to other clubs [. . .] you can’t come in here and be badass cause our culture does not really allow for it. Everyone here plays by the rules of our code of conduct. You know, we get in here, everybody say’s hello, we respect each other, make friends and I know we have people here that otherwise would not be in this part of town’

As an illustrative example, Matt invokes several themes from the document. First, the club contributes towards the health and social solidarity of the members, reflecting the Nordic ideals (Bairner 2010). Secondly, the emphasis on ‘code of conduct’, ‘respect’, and the ‘culture’ which entail the formal behavior of greetings (or bows as expressed in other conversations) align with Asian cultural influences.

Importantly, Matt highlights the main theme; the refugee crisis, multiculturality and social inclusion. All informants uniformly responded that an extreme ethnic heterogeneity characterized the gym. During my time, it appeared as racial and ethnic jokes were used to ‘ease’ (perceived) ethnic and racial barriers. These were often thrown in-between members of higher ranks that could easily determine the intensity of such jokes. Taking part in another conversation, one practitioner stated that if ‘someone from the outside’ had heard their conversations of hard martial arts training, or jokes about alcohol and drugs, they’d be terrified. This was framed as ironic considering the perceived decent values and culture that permeated the VSC. Conversations like these seemed to reinforce the group’s belief in the ‘social good’ of the club and spur the incentive to further contribute towards social solidarity. These narratives seemed embedded in the organizational culture, and mediated something ‘real’ between structure and events (see Fairclough (2005) for a CR concept of discourses).

Yet, throughout my three-month ethnographical endeavor, it was difficult to see how one would categorize the ethnic composition of the classes I attended as ‘extremely’ ethnically heterogeneous. At best, this was reflected in a small portion of the youth’s class that came from a closely located, socioeconomically deprived area. Ironically, these youths’ presence was peripheral at best, with low attendance rates. In parallel, the higher (senior) ranks were primarily ethnic Swedes or second-, third- or fourth-generation migrants. Most of the latter were successful entrepreneurs and had little in common with the usual socioeconomic deprivation associated with migration.

The gym culture was a prominent theme, with clear-cut rules for behavior within the gym walls. During my first interview with the sport manager, I was handed over a bundle of papers consisting of organizational issues and how this culture was constructed. The sport manager argued that the core basis of the gym was centered around this culture, a philosophy of sort. For example, everybody should greet and shake hands with anyone they meet: ‘you take such a leap [. . .] from being strangers and then shaking hands, it’s a completely different starting point. . .’ (Sport manager). The foundation of this culture was ascribed to the gym’s founder, over 40 years ago, whose signature could be seen in contemporary documents. The unity and strength of this culture were profoundly expressed through the material, for example, as one coach stated that the coherent vision was embodied by everyone who was serious about being part of the gym. When disruptions occurred that threatened the organizational culture, stories about members and staff departing from the gym surfaced. For example, one coach (5) stated that conflicts had surfaced: ‘. . .previous coaches who liked to joke around in ways that did not align with our ideals [. . .] and it was clear they did not view things the way we do. . .’. These coaches and a group of members had decided to depart from the gym, although the details around it only were vaguely described by two respondents. One key insight that occurred progressively throughout the fieldwork was that all interviewed members uniformly agreed that their culture promoted social inclusion, but that there were indications of missing voices that were no longer in the club or did not come forward. Instead, a social control of sort seemed entangled into the culture, thus invoking clear expectations and at times consequences for individuals who did not meet them. Interestingly, in replying to how the club contributed toward social inclusion and social solidarity in the club, the sport manager adhered to the nature of the sport: ‘. . . it is by design so to speak […] I mean, we meet on the mat, here we are all equal. . .’. Thus, in answering ‘how’ to achieve social change, the sport manager referred to sport’s capacity in itself (Coakley, 2011).

In the light of my initial understanding of the culture, I attempted to observe how, and who, applied these rules. My first observation was that the walls of the gym were decorated with posters containing rules. While some were commonsensical (not train in dirty clothes), others reinforced the gym culture through explicit behavioral instructions (‘you shall greet everyone at the mat; you shall bow before you enter the mat; you will thank your partner when practice is done’). My second observation was that these rules were implemented in a formal setting, where participants shook hands with each other after finishing training. This was a ritual constructed by the responsible coach for each session. According to the coaches, this was arranged to embody the organizational culture. However, in informal settings (e.g. locker rooms), greetings seemed primarily based upon familiarity and position within the gym. Before the start of each training, I observed clusters of individuals sitting together and making small talk. These were observations I made consistently; throughout the fieldwork, it appeared more likely that people of higher belt-rank were chatting, whereas many of the white-belts roamed at the outskirt of these clusters and sometimes appeared with each other (including myself).

According to Archer (2003), the strength of the ideational environment is partially judged by the homogeneity in value systems which may contradict or align. The cultural beliefs described here were never opposed but always reinforced and highlighted by the informants, which facilitated an impression of a strong cultural homogeneity. Similarly, micro-level situations, such as having individuals shake hands, bow, or engage in formal rituals reinforced this idea, thus working as a structural and socializing cultural mechanism (Archer, 1995). Consequently, no immediate opposing situational logic seemed to exist. However, observing the more fine-grained interactions revealed that this culture was nevertheless conditioned by other social forces despite its allegedly social equity agenda. This seemed to include rankings of members, the strength of one’s social position within the club, and overall familiarity with the environment. Importantly, the culture reflected a great degree of assimilatory values and rules. These rules emphasized conformity and behavioral expectations but seemed mistaken for being beneficial to the social inclusion of diverse individuals. This observation became exacerbated in light of the refugee initiative.

The refugee initiative

The refugee crisis in 2015, where Sweden was the recipient of over 160.000 asylum seekers, served as a logical opportunity for the VSC to contribute towards societal needs. As noted, the most profound aspect was the VSC’s culture. This implied that they had a governance model, perceived as powerful in addressing societal issues and framed by the interviewees as their primary tool for social inclusion. Thus, the culture described here is a (cultural) emergent property with powers that cannot be attributed to its isolated parts (Archer, 1995). By continually reinforcing this cultural system, the gym was ascribed a powerful social potential.

When I asked about the rationale for conducting the refugee initiative, the sport manager and coach (4) referred to the societal need for such initiatives, but their main driving force was compassion and the ability to help. In the words of Coach (2), anything else ‘…would be incongruent with our values’. In these conversations, most informants reflected upon the situation of refugees in general and were proud to declare that they pursued to help those in need. The sport manager expressed an emotional approach when describing in detail how he had ended up with one refugee at his office. In this narrative, the sport manager expressed frustration and compassion with the refugees’ situation and made visible his perception of the mental status of the refugees, as he labeled them as ‘destroyed’. This further spurred his perception of the refugees’ need to have access to a community, in this case, the VSC. This minority-deficient approach has been highlighted elsewhere (Coalter, 2013).

The project was a collaboration with a shelter for refugees. This collaboration entailed free training, equipment, and help with transport to and from the gym to ensure the refugees were able to partake in training. However, the reality of the initiative did not meet the VSC’s expectations. The sport manager expressed concern with how this initiative had proceeded and noted that several issues hampered the initiative:

‘. . .had a hard time to regulate. . . like. . . when they sparred, it got too rough and they mainly sparred against each other and they just went too far. And when our coaches tried to regulate it, they didn’t understand. They didn’t understand why, and they didn’t understand the language.’

Coach (4) corroborated this, adding that martial arts might be too rough and intimate for beginners and refugees. Considering the latter, the sport manager contemplated whether martial arts is viable for ‘traumatized’ individuals. Other concerns related to refugees’ commitment, their ability to come on time and how they understood the formal settings of the VSC. Despite the general belief in martial arts for social integration (Börjeson and Essen 2007), the specific sport in itself was perceived to pose challenges for the refugees. However, it was not martial arts per se that posed a problem, but how it was exerted. The enduring issue seemed to be that refugees were reluctant to ‘sparr’ (i.e. simulate controlled fighting), in a way that coped with the normative framework of the VSC and that the refugees did not understand formalities of the VSC. This formality, included, for example, that refugees very seldom came to volunteer and help in contrast to ‘. . .ordinary members. . .’ (Board member). As the refugees seemingly transgressed what was perceived as ‘okay’ within the confines of the gym, this was problematized, and their behavior and lack of linguistic knowledge were framed as an issue. It was clear that the refugees did not fully comprehend or adapted the organization’s normative framework. Instead of contemplating the structural features, the underlying message on behalf of the sport manager seemed to be that the refugees as individuals (Ekholm 2017) failed to adapt.

The initiative was active for six months. Subsequently, the refugees could become members of the VSC for a subsidized fee, ultimately showing who ‘. . . wanted to be here for real and who was not really up for it’ (Sport manager). In commenting on who stays and who leaves, Coach (2) argued for the necessity of adopting a ‘me-for-all’ instead of a ‘me-for-me’ mentality, meaning everyone is equal and to help each other. This mentality did not only pertain to the individual-level interactions, but to a large extent, concerned with helping the VSC with several matters, such as the arrangement of competitions or cleaning- or repairing tasks in the gym. Accordingly, there seemed to exist a reciprocal influence between the culture and the structure (Archer, 1995), where cultural beliefs contributed to maintaining the structural foundation of the VSC. While Coach (3) acknowledged that it might be too much to expect the refugees to help during their initial period, they were nevertheless expected to if they were to stay long-term. Speaking more broadly, Coach (2) asserted that they were unlikely to benefit as much as the others from the VSC if they did not. The emphasis on volunteerism reflects the broader Swedish sport climate, and as per Coach (2)’s words, this is a ‘requirement’ each member must meet.

Finally, despite the struggles of the refugee initiative, most conversations about it were characterized by positivity, pride, and a sense of accomplishment. Yet, in my reflections on the ethnic composition of the club, I wondered how many remained in the club. After some inquiry, I was told that one remained.

Discussion

This study aimed to gain insights of how the morphogenetic approach can explain social inclusion and structures that allow or prevent such. This entailed understanding the VSC’s structure and culture, how this was reflected in practice, and how it was negotiated in the refugee project. Two main results will be highlighted.

First, the study illustrates the link between the VSC’s macro-level features (structure and culture) and micro-level mechanisms (rituals and frameworks) in maintaining the social order. Specifically, the VSC’s structural foundation is built upon volunteerism – a factor that shapes the expectations of its members and necessitates a pre-existing knowledge of such. Accordingly, the VSC had gone a long way to reinforce a culture that benefitted the structure, ensuring strong social solidarity and members’ willingness to help. In turn, this continually reinforcing culture is cognitively acknowledged by its embedded actors as a powerful social force; put differently, a culture that can address societal issues and where migrants can come to feel belonging. This perception seemed misguided. Just as Lusted (2018) revealed in amateurism-baptized English soccer, the VSC’s culture, ironically, served to push refugees away. Key personnel believed the refugees failed to cope with the sport and failed to embrace the ‘me-for-all’ culture. Little thought was given to the refugees’ perspective on this.

Another insight is that situational logics vary temporally, according to agents’ reflexivity. The situational logic ascribed to the VSC is initially a hegemonic one, unthreatened and obeyed by its embedded actors. In fact, the cultural and structural setting is perceived as a dominant force to help underprivileged groups. This is a strong incentive for the VSC to protect their current culture and structure; not only does it work internally, for them, but it is also a perceived vehicle to help external (but ‘internally destroyed’) individuals. The underpinning assumption is that the culture may socialize these refugees into the VSC’s culture. The logic here represents a protectionist one (Archer, 1995), where it is beneficial to reproduce the culture. It is the social, cultural, and structural glue of the VSC, and it is believed to have the ability to help and socialize new members into it. In this sense, the informants noted that their ideational environment should be the organizing principle for everyone’s best.

As this initiative is launched, a tangible sense of a (cultural) disruption occurs, entailing sport-specific and behavioral principles that were violated. Ironically, the same exclusionary principles apply as in other cases. Wagnsson et al. (2019) and Hertting and Karlefors (2021) found that weak sport-skills excluded migrants from Swedish sport. Here, sporting skills were a problem too which not only hindered the progression of the team (as in the case with youth soccer and elite- and lesser teams) but was perceived as a normative anomaly. The culture no longer inferred its socializing abilities, effectively avoiding ‘rescuing’ the refugees. Instead, the situational logic turned into what Archer (1995) calls elimination. As they existed within the same proximity and under the same frameworks, the refugees and the VSC had ‘an internal and necessary relationship’ (Archer, 1995 p. 230). The differing ways of the counterparts caused strains. While it may not have jeopardized the hegemonic position of the cultural system, it invoked contrasts deemed undesirable and in opposition to the VSC’s culture.

Finally, inescapably, no social change or inclusion can be found in this material; an important notion to consider is that neither structural transformation nor reproduction is usually the intended cause of interactions (Archer 2020). Likewise, exerting its own powers, the VSC likely did not intentionally drive towards social reproduction. Yet, this was the main result, which points to broader features of integration typologies in contemporary Sweden. Specifically, while the intention was honorable, the organizational features more resemble an assimilationist agenda that fail to take into account cultural diversity, needs and preferences. This sort of sub-ordination, regarding ethnic minorities has been found in other Swedish domains; for example, through how social workers ‘teach’ ethnic minorities how to parent (Elmersjö et al. 2020) or through sex education (Bredström and Gruber 2015).

In conclusion, I argue that conceptualizing the data into the morphogenetic approach has offered a glimpse into what Archer (1995) calls a practical social theory. I carefully argue that neither structure nor individual is solely responsible for the exclusionary practices in this case. Exploring the structural- and cultural foundation made way for understanding the situational logic that occurred and how the informants reasoned about it. The interviewees themselves believed that they benefited from the structure – they thus had no incentive in attempting to change it, reflecting the difficulty in achieving structural transformations to induce social inclusion. While it may be argued that the informants were ‘oversocialized’, the conversations I had made the impression that they were cognitively aware of this, and actively pursuing to reinforce their culture with their own internal beliefs (Archer 2003).

Acknowledgements

I want to sincerely thank the reviewer(s) for helping me raise the quality of the paper significantly.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.