PUNJABI SIKHS IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY ASSAM

Abstract

The essay examines from a historical perspective the origin, nature and effects of settlement of a few thousand Sikhs from Punjab to Assam with reference to the varied socio-political changes of the Brahmaputra valley. Historians missed these twentieth-century Sikh journeys possibly owing to their numerical insignificance, compared to the waves of migration of other ethnic groups coming from several short-distance locations. While analysing the social composition of migrants, the essay examines whether these Sikh journeys taking place in different decades point to any significant change in the community's occupational pattern, social navigation and management of sacred space in their new home in Assam. Conversation with the Assamese Sikhs, their native counterpart, represents another important area of the enquiry which dislodges the seemingly inviolable assumption that the Sikhs would always be from Punjab with their mother tongue Punjabi. It argues how these Punjabi-Sikh dispersions point to the emergence of a Sikh diaspora beyond Punjab within India.

Notes

1 Here Assam represents exclusively those plains districts on both sides of the river Brahmaputra. It excludes the Barak valley and two hill districts of Karbi Anglong and Dima Haso.

2 For these writings, see Bhuyan and Goswami (2003).

3 I have used the word Punjabi Sikhs to differentiate them from a group of local Sikhs who are known as Assamese Sikhs.

4 He differs significantly from the views of the colonial administrator-historians like Darling (1978).

5 I have borrowed these words from Baruah's (2007). In the opinion of the scholar, it was an outcome of numerous factors like the ‘development’ and ‘displacement’ arising out of the birth of India's North-East, the growing armed presence of the Indian State at the regional level which destabilized many local ethnic communities and generated armed conflict of lower-level intensity affecting peace at the local level.

6 For some distinctive features of a diasporan community, see Tololyan (1991, 3–7) and Vertovec (1999, 1–37).

7 Some of these works are: (i) Prakash (1981); (ii) Sarna (1993); (iii) Dutt and Davgun (1977, 81–90) and (iv) Krishnan (2005, 239–57).

8 There are numerous studies pointing out the presence of caste among Sikhs of Punjab and beyond India. I would refer to one each of these categories of writings.

9 Its entire collection is preserved in the office of local Ramgarhia Sabha, Shimla (Himachal Pradesh). I am thankful to them for giving access to these materials.

10 Infra, 8. Also see, Ramgarhia Vidiyak Ashsraman Phagwara (Dakhana Satnampura) da 7 April 1929 (Arambhak Divas) ton 31 December 1966, Satanampura: Ramgarhia Educational Council and Singh (2007, 373–4).

11 I did not carry a tape recorder during interviews. I wrote down relevant notes after the completion of my interaction with a person.

12 They underlined the significance of ‘field’. With reference to the Sikh Studies, I would refer to three of these works (Helweg 1986; Leonard 1992; Dusenbery 2008).

13 With the introduction of Petrol Tax Fund in 1929–1930, the construction of metalled road began in the province.

14 Census of Assam, 1901, Vol. IV, Assam, Report, 33: 38; Sabinderjit Singh Sagar of Guru Nanak Dev University's unpublished autobiography, seen through the courtesy of the author.

15 Throughout the text of the essay, I have used Guwahati, though it was earlier known as Gauhati.

16 In a personal communication, T.N. Singh who was born, educated and later became the judge of Guwahati High Court, wrote about the ‘predominance of Ramgarhia population in Assam till 1950s’ (December 6, 2005).

17 The photocopy of the deed, signed by him with other Sikhs, was forwarded by Balvinder Singh (Sundar Singh Bamra's grandson, 30 March 2005).

18 It celebrated the platinum jubilee in 2012 and published a souvenir on that occasion. The old caste affiliation (Gurdwara Ramgarhia Sabha, Jorhat) is retained. Here Ramgarhias represent the largest section of local Sikh population and the members of gurdwara management committee are still enthusiastic of maintaining their distinct caste identity.

19 Written statement of Balbir Singh Hanspal (28 March 2005), a third-generation Ramgarhia Sikh still residing in Guwahati.

20 In Digboi, I met many of them in the house of Jaswant Singh Sandhu (12 March 2005), a senior officer of Indian Oil Corporation.

21 Oral testimony of Wassan Singh Bhamra (19 March 2005), an octogenarian Sikh resident of Jorhat.

22 In Ramgarhia Gazette (17 January 1963), he was portrayed as the second Jassa Singh, the founder hero of Ramgarhia misl.

23 Sohan Singh was nominated to the upper house of Assam Legislative Council and held other important official positions in Jorhat town. His private papers are preserved by his son Ajit Singh in Gar-Ali, Jorhat.

24 Supra, 5. He supported Alla Singh in founding the first gurdwara in Guwahati.

25 In 1921, 87.2% of Ramgarhias reported as Sikhs in Punjab and they traced their origin to Ramgarhia misl. Census of India, 1921, Vol. XV, Punjab and Delhi, Part I, Report, 445; ibid., 1931, Vol. XVII, Punjab, Part I, Report, 337.

26 In Assam, the absence of jajmani system made caste disabilities attached to status ‘less severe’ and narrowed ‘the social distance between castes’.

27 Ramgarhia Gazette (9 November 1937) recorded the celebration of gurpurab in Mariani Gurdwara. Similar reports of celebration from the Guwahati Gurdwara were reported in the presence of British Indian Army officials and soldiers in the early 1940s.

28 Supra, 3.

29 Satish Saberwal's private communications (5 May 2005).

30 For contemporary Assam situation, see, Bhuyan et al. (1980, 46); Hazarika (2011, 13–18); personal communication of T.N.Singh (21 June 2011).

31 Ramgarhia Gazette, 4 June 1942.

32 One of them was M [Mehta]. Lal Singh (1902–1961). A Khatri Sikh from Gujranwala district, he suppressed his Khatri caste identity to remain with Ramgarhias. It enabled him to hold important positions in Guwahati Ramgarhia Sabha for a long period. He had intimate connection with the cross-sections of Assamese Sikhs. Taking advantage of growing anger against Ramgarhias, he formed a provincial-level Sikh body which included all native Sikhs, but kept its door closed to their Punjabi counterparts. It intensified Ramgarhia anger and evoked bitter criticism. Personal communication of T.N. Singh (24 October 2005).

33 Guha, Planter-Raj, 237–46.

34 Infra, 18–19.

35 Sikh faithful generally agreed that in any community gathering, God is present in the form of the sacred text. This is an integral aspect of the community's religious belief and social practice over centuries. It implies that whatever decisions were taken on such occasions are having divine sanctions and these are binding upon its every member. For details, see Malcolm (1812, 107 and 120–3).

36 It refers to the late eighteenth-century Punjab history when 12 Sikh misl leaders with imagined equal status held political power of the province. In any twentieth-century Ramgarhia narrative, he is portrayed as ‘Maharaja’ Jassa Singh Ramgarhia seeking to equate his position to that of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, suggesting the latter as a mere Jat leader.

37 It is a historical gurdwara associated with the memory of the Ninth Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur's visit to Assam (1671). Long managed by a family of Sikh priests from Bihar, it was brought within the jurisdiction of the Eastern India Sikh Pratinidhi Board. Based on personal communication of Surjit Singh, a senior Ramgarhia member of the Fancy Bazar Gurdwara. He played an important role in it (6 July 2005).

38 It points to the economic success of a section of local Ramgarhias who generally preferred to stay away from the old Ramgarhia caste mobilization process. They were ready to cooperate with other Sikh castes, but never unmindful of their Ramgarhia self-definition from within. In the recent times, whenever I had the privilege of talking to the new generation of Ramgarhia leadership, the same message was communicated by many of them.

39 Throughout the twentieth-century, compared to India, Assam had always an overwhelmingly higher growth rate of population. Migration from outside the province was an important cause of it.

40 It led to rise of political tensions among different linguistic groups residing in Assam. For contemporary Assam scenario, see, Baruah (1986, 284) and Misra (1999, 1265).

41 Infra, 18.

42 There is no definite figure suggesting their number, but the testimonies of those who had passed through the process claimed that the number never attained the double digit. Oral testimony of Gurbachan Singh, Jorhat. Both of his sons are long out of Assam (5 June 2005).

43 It is based on my field work extended over a decade with long breaks between the years 2005 and 2008. I have the privilege of meeting many of them during these years while others are still having communication with me.

44 All gurdwaras of central and upper Assam associated with Ramgarhia caste name agreed to rename their respective sacred space as the Singh Sabha. The process had already started in the mid-1970s and was completed within a decade. The lone exception was the Gurdwara Ramgarhia Sabha at Gar-Ali.

45 During the last quarter of the twentieth-century, they constructed at least five more gurdwaras which are mostly in upper Assam.

46 By the close of the last century, Guwahati has the largest number of gurdwaras in the Brahmaputra valley and these are in double digit. Except the two run by the army, there are eight other gurdwaras in the city which are all controlled by Punjabi Sikhs. Besides, the oldest one at the Fancy Bazar, there are gurdwaras at Maligaon, Ulubari, Lalmati and Pandua areas of the city. The most impressive of the new gurdwaras is situated at Beltola on the National Highway (NH) 37. There are two other gurdwaras at Marakahli and the Last Gate Colony which are maintained by Mazhabis.

47 The Census of 1971, however, found the rate of urbanization in Guwahati was ‘one of the lowest’ ‘among the cities in India.’ But rapid changes started after 1973–1974.

48 Infra, 18–19.

49 Many local Mazhabis remembered Ajit Singh as a dedicated trade union leader. He came to Gauhati in 1954 and began his career as a doctor, though he had no formal medical degree. He was active in local Dalit Sikh politics over a number of years since the late 1960s. He provided leadership to the striking GMC workers in the early 1980s. Personal communication of Chakradhar Kalita, a trade union leader, Guwahati (23 November 2009).

50 Oral testimony of Mukhtiyar Singh, an executive committee member of the Fancy Bazar Gurdwara who is a member of Mazhabi caste (15 March 2009).

51 Field Investigator's note (9 September 2009).

52 Based on my field survey (3 February–6 March 2012).

53 Here one needs to remember the role of Bairam Singh of Dibrugarh. He suffered imprisonment for his individual satyagraha in 1930. Sadiniya Asomiya, 17 August and 30 December 1930.

54 It was widely associated with different forms of underhand dealings, viz. underweighting of coal tonnage per truck, partial evasion of state sales tax rules, the fixing of selling price by different coal mafias and siphoning of a large amount of money in the purchase of valuable urban estates, cultivable lands and other forms of profitable investments. These were done through local muscle men, administrators, police officials and political leaders. Numerous secret and corrupt transactions at different levels facilitated uninterrupted continuance of coal trade during these years. My information is based on interactions with different local persons who had witnessed the development of coal trade of the period, but refused to divulge their identity for security reasons.

55 Earlier the coal trade was located near the Christian Basti locality. Shortage of space and long queue of trucks along the G.S. Road disrupted the smooth movement of traffic on the way to new capital city. It possibly prompted the local administration to shift the coal depot to Beltola location which then stood almost outside the city limits. In 1968, this sleepy locality was brought within the greater urban agglomeration of Guwahati. During the course of the last four decades, there have been significant changes in the entire stretch of the locality. In early 2012, I found it as one of the busiest crossings of Guwahati, resulting in general congestion of the city's traffic. It led to the foundation of a new flyover for smooth movement of vehicles.

56 I am told that in Assam the first phase of coal trade was largely dominated by traders from Haryana who did not pay any sales tax to the state of Assam. It was R.S. Gandhi who drew the attention of the Assam Government to impose sales tax on it. It enabled the administration to earn some profits and made Gandhi a blue-eyed boy of the provincial government. But it made him unpopular among local transporters and possibly precipitated his fall. Based on my field enquiry (3–6 March 2012).

57 McLeod, Evolution, 93.

58 A recent study also points out that the emergence of a distinct form of Sikh Jat consciousness was visible in Punjab from the 1970s.

59 I do not have detailed information indicating the process of change of guard at the Fancy Bazar Singh Sabha. Senior Ramgarhia leaders were not ready to talk on the point while the powerful Jat leadership became angry and responded aggressively whenever I had asked them on the issue. But they had to continue their struggle for extending domination over the North-East India Sikh Pratinidhi Board, the apex Sikh body of the regioin. It still stands beyond them, but they had not stopped their struggle

60 It confirms McLeod's view that Sikhs may be ‘opposed to the vertical extensions of castes’, but they are ‘content to accept it in terms of its horizontal linkages’. McLeod, Evolution, p. 88.

61 Supra, 3, 10 and 12.

62 It was ‘ostensibly against the foreign nationals living in Assam illegally’ but ‘a large segment of population who stood outside the constituency’ of the agitation ‘experienced violence and terror’ (Hussain 2000, 4520). For a different view, see Bhattacharya (2011).

63 I had the privilege of meeting a few of them who had access to the Sikh sacred text in Punjabi and refused to agree to Asomiya Sikh Santha's decision of staying away from Punjabiyat. Personal communication of Kahn Singh, a retired civil servant of Assam (9 April 2005).

64 Personal communication of Manjit Singh, General Secretary, Asomiya Sikh Santha (7 April 2005).

65 My field experience suggests that those Assamese Sikhs who are economically better off with access to Punjabi language are in favour of it. But they constitute a creamy layer and do not represent the majority voice of the community. It is no less reflected in the recent construction of a new gurdwara in Barkola which differs significantly from the older one situated in Chaparmukh. Both gurdwaras are situated in rural Nagaon.