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Abstract
This article argues that systematically applying John Burton's human needs theory (HNT) when employing consociationalism increases the utility and effectiveness of consociationalism as a conflict resolution mechanism. It does so based on an examination of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland which finds that (1) its consociational provisions are consistent with HNT, (2) the vital non-consociational elements of the agreement implicitly suggest an HNT understanding of conflict, and (3) and the ongoing difficulties around parades in Northern Ireland indicate the need to further adapt consociationalism to recognise the human needs understanding of the causes of the conflict.
Funding
The author is grateful to the Irish Research Council for its support of this research.
Notes
1. The author has chosen these needs as they are widely accepted to be central to protracted social conflicts such as that in Northern Ireland. For a comprehensive discussion of how these needs are at the root of conflict, see Azar (Citation1990).
2. For a more comprehensive treatment of the link between institutions and identity conflicts, see Williams and Neal (Citation2001).
3. The application of the fourth element (segmental autonomy) is mixed in the case of Northern Ireland. It is effectively present and can be seen in the concurrent operation of different educational systems (as well as integrated education). However, there was resistance to any segmental autonomy in other areas such as policing.
4. A comprehensive explanation of why the Agreement is consociational can be found written by both advocates of and critics of consociationalism (Aitken, Citation2007; Higson, Citation2008; McGarry & O'Leary, Citation2006a, Citation2006b; Taylor, Citation2006).
5. The Strand Three institutions which deal with the totality of relationships between the different parts of the British Isles are not included. Due to the restraints as to what can be addressed in a single article, the focus is on the institutions that primarily relate to Northern Ireland.
6. The procedure for electing a First and Deputy First Minister was changed in the St Andrew's Agreement; this is discussed in relation to the working of the Executive.
7. Originally there were 10 ministers; however, the devolution of policing and justice powers led to the additional provision of a minister for this area.
8. For a comprehensive outline of the salience of the issue of Policing in Northern Ireland, see Doyle (Citation2010).
9. While the Irish language is traditionally associated with the nationalist community, there have been engagements with language by unionists. See for example Ferguson (Citation2004).
10. This would have made change of Northern Ireland's status more difficult and would have been difficult for nationalists to accept.
11. A broad commitment to devolving power to regulate parades was included in this agreement. However, it also recognised that independent adjudication would still be necessary, suggesting a new body with similar responsibilities to the IPC will be established. The findings of this research relating to the weaknesses of the IPC would equally apply to this body.
12. MacKay had to withdraw after admitting that his references did not support his application and Burrows' appointment was struck down by the High Court in Belfast.