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ABSTRACT
In the last three decades, neo-traditional religious groups in Nigeria have continued to (re-)emerge and expand, despite their earlier inhibition by the increased dominance of Christianity, Islam and secular-modernist values. One such group is Ijo Orunmila Adulawo (African Congregation of Orunmila Devotees), originally established in 1934 as an umbrella organisation for traditional worshippers. Based on fieldwork in the Ikenne branch, I examine the innovative fundraising methods that the group has adopted since 1992 in pursuit of the construction of a modern iledi (temple), and the debates they sparked among members, some of whom felt they reflected Christian or foreign, rather than traditional Yoruba ethics and values. A closer look at the dynamics of the group’s fundraising practices, however, suggests they have been shaped within a moral-economic framework oriented toward the flourishing of what the group takes to be traditional religion and the assertion of related values. The article shows how economic practices not only reflect but are an important part of the politics of value negotiated by neo-traditional religious groups like Ijo Orunmila as they have sought to establish and maintain the authority and relevance that has driven their growth in contemporary Nigeria.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 Note that the early history and relations of these groups to each other is not clear. Simpson’s (Citation1980, 148) rather sketchy account suggests that the Ato and the Mimo split off from the Adulawo, and the Ilupsin subsequently split from the Ato. Oye-Laguda (Citation2015, 52), however, describes Ijo Orunmila Ato and Ijo Orunmila Adulawo as separate groups that sprung up at around the same time. Accounts given by the Chief Aro of the Ife branch of Ijo Orunmila Adulawo in 1989 (Barber Citation1990) and by the group’s chief priest in 2013 (Ibemere Citation2013) refer to Olorunfemi Oshiega as the founder, suggesting that Ato probably was formed first, with Adulawo subsequently forming and breaking away. The common account that I received of the group’s history from members focuses on Adeshina as the founder and does not address this earlier history.
2 Membership cards are given to all adults of the group with each card carrying a serial number as registration number. I have a photographs of membership cards no. 313 for 2014 and no. 233 for 2010.
3 Unless otherwise indicated, my summary of the group’s history is based on the common account as told to me by members. In addition to interviews directly cited in the text, I also interviewed clergy member Odofin Abiodun (interview, Abiodun Citation2017); community elder Chief Dr. Olayinka Oyeniyi (interview, Oyeniyi Citation2017); and Ifa priest Alani Ifakunle (interview, Ifakunle Citation2019).
4 Discussion of the Obaship tussle in Ikenne, which has been ongoing for decades, is beyond the scope of this paper. Suffice to note that my interviewees revealed that it started during the time of Obafemi Awolowo (1909-1987), who ruled as the first Premier of the Western Region in Nigeria. See Nolte Citation1999.
5 The adaptation of religious organisation and practice has also worked the other way; for a discussion on the integration of African heritage into indigenised African Christian religion, see Ogungbile Citation2001.
6 For more on the Ogboni, see Dennet Citation1916; Anyebe Citation1989.
7 Ijo Orunmila Adulawo is not the only Yoruba religious group to have viewed the construction of a modern temple as imperative. Davies (Citation2015) provides some interesting details on another such case, but does not consider its financing.
8 The group does not pay its clergy.
9 For a brief introduction to Ifa see Janson (Citation2021, 132–137).
10 My discussion of the controversy over the donation card is based on interviews with group leaders and members.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
K. Charles Omotayo
K. Charles Omotayo is a Lecturer in History at Adeyemi Federal University of Education. His research interests are in change and continuity in traditional religious practices, adjudicatory systems and knowledge systems.