Diversity and democracy in Ethiopia

Abstract

This paper, which sees democracy as an incremental habituation of a political culture that societies with modern economy entertain, argues that Ethiopia's current politics can only be understood as a transition from a totalitarian to a democratic culture. However, the transition to full-fledged liberal democracy is struggling to overcome two hurdles: the absence of a formidable middle class and the prevalence of a tenuous national identity. Even if liberal democracy appears a distant dream, the current hybrid political culture will not allow the country to backpedal to a blatant authoritarianism. The political culture, which is undergoing a permanent change, is en route to liberal democracy, albeit incrementally.

Keywords:

• democratization
• federalism
• political diversity
• elections
• identity
• class

Notes

1. See Zewde, History of Modern Ethiopia.

2. Rahmato, Agrarian Reform in Ethiopia, 31.

3. Pankhurst, Social History of Ethiopia, 10.

4. See Halliday and Molyneux, The Ethiopian Revolution.

5. Case, “Manipulation Skills,” 99–103.

6. Ottaway, Democracy Challenged, 248–9.

7. A Tigrinya maxim from the peasant world which roughly translates to “The [star] that shines is our sun, he who is crowned is our king.”

8. Peasant interviewees in Lefort, “Power – Mengist – and Peasants,” 258.

9. Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister of Ethiopia, African Development. The preliminary draft, released in a number of Ethiopian websites, contains selected extracts of the monograph which is in progress.

10. Bereket Simon (former Public Relations Adviser to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, now Minister of Communications), interview with author, Addis Ababa, July 8, 2006.

11. Rustow, “Transitions to Democracy,” 339.

12. Clapham, “Democratisation in Africa”.

13. Lefort, “Power – Mengist – and Peasants,” 254.

14. Clapham, “The Challenge,” 80–1. The incarceration of editors of some papers, allegedly for inflaming ethnic conflict, made Reporters Without Borders conclude that there is no free press in the country, see for example its “Ethiopia – Annual Report 2006,” March 5, 2006.

15. Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, August 21, 1995.

16. Tesema Fata, State Minister of Information, in Tadesse, “State Minister Stresses Providing Information to the Media.”

17. Amare Aregawi (publisher/editor, Reporter), interview with author, June 5, 2006, Addis Ababa. The paper appears bi-weekly in Amharic and weekly in English with a circulation of about 6500.

18. Tamrat G. Giorgis (publisher of the weekly English, Addis Fortune), interview with author, July 5, 2006, Addis Ababa. The paper has a circulation of around 6,500.

19. European Union Election Observation Mission, “Ethiopia Legislative Elections 2005, Final Report”; Carter Center, “Final Statement on the Carter Center Observation of the Ethiopia 2005 National Elections.”

20. Amare Aregawi, interview, June 5, 2006.

21. Amare Aregawi, interview, June 5, 2006.

22. I am withholding the name of this informant because her/his comments may not be liked by her/his friends. During some part of this interview s/he seemed so uncomfortable that s/he went as far as turning off my tape recorder.

23. Tamrat G. Giorgis, interview, July 5, 2006. The unpleasant envelope and the five condoms are still filed in his cabinet.

24. See Reporters without Borders, “Ethiopia – Annual Report 2006”; International Press Institute “IPI Condemns Brutal Assault”; Editorial, “Non-State Actors Hitting at Those Who Dare to Speak,” Addis Fortune, November 9, 2008. Of course, various articles on the assault appeared in Reporter: see, for instance, the Amharic texts of November 1 and 5, 2008.

25. Bereket Simon, interview, July 8, 2006.

26. Weitz, Century of Genocide, chapter 5.

27. Frère, Media and Conflicts in Central Africa, 83.

28. Stanton, “Could the Rwandan Genocide Have Been Prevented?,” 214.

29. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation no. 178/1999, Broadcasting Proclamation, Federal Negarit Gazeta, no. 62, Addis Ababa, June 29, 1999. The programme principles are clearly stated in Article 27 of the proclamation, which says that

1. Every transmitted programme shall, by reflecting varying view points, serve the public at large through balanced presentations.

2. Every transmitted programme shall ascertain the accuracy of its source and content.

3. Every news shall be accurate, balanced and free from partiality.

4. Any transmitted programme shall not:

   1. Violate the dignity and liberty of mankind, the rules of good behaviour or undermine the belief of others;

   2. Commit a criminal offence against the security of the State, the constitutionally established Government Administration or the Defence Force of the country;

   3. Maliciously accuse or defame individuals, Nation/Nationalities, people or organizations;

   4. Instigate dissension among nationalities or cause to initiate dissension among peoples;

   5. Incite war.

30. Amare Aregawi, interview, June 5, 2006.

31. Bereket Simon, interview, July 8, 2006.

32. Abebe Balcha (producer, Adey Tisae, FM Radio Station), interview with author, Addis Ababa, June 17, 2006. The station is owned by his wife.

33. Melson, “Modern Genocide in Rwanda,” 333.

34. Finkel, “Can Democracy Be Taught,” 139–40.

35. Lefort, “Power – Mengist – and Peasants,” 254.

36. Carothers, “Backlash Against Democracy”; Gershman and Allen, “Assault on Democracy.”

37. Finkel, “Can Democracy Be Taught.”

38. Kennedy, “What Next for Divided Mexico.”

39. Bereket Simon, interview, July 8, 2006.

40. Meles Zenawi, African Development.

41. Kebede Kejela (Executive Director of African Initiatives for a Democratic World Order (AIDWO)), interview with author, Addis Ababa, June 16, 2006.

42. Debebe Haile Gabriel (Executive Director, Action Professionals’ Association for the People (APAP)), interview with author, Addis Ababa, June 19, 2006. The APAP is one of numerous civic associations and non-govermental organizations that have mushroomed since 1991.

43. Almaz Waldeyes (Public Education and Training Program Coordinator, Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association), interview with author, Addis Ababa, June 4, 2006.

44. Abebech Waldie (Executive Director, Ethiopian Media Women's Association), interview with author, Addis Ababa, June 21, 2006.

45. Debebe Haile Gabriel, interview, June 19, 2006.

46. Kebede Kejela, interview, June 16, 2006.

47. Meles Zenawi, African Development. Despite the fact that the Prime Minister does not think the reliance on NGOs is the best way to democracy, Ethiopia does not restrict the activities of NGOs. See Gershman and Allen, “Assault on Democracy,” 46.

48. Prunier, Rwanda Crisis, 81.

49. Debebe Haile Gabriel, interview, June 19, 2006.

50. See European Union Election Observation Mission, “Ethiopia Legislative Elections 2005, Final Report”; Carter Center, “Final Statement on the Carter Center Observation of the Ethiopia 2005 National Elections.”

51. On the absence of the opposition in the peasant world, see Lefort, “Power – Mengist – and Peasants”; on the collusion of African peasants with incumbent regimes and distrusting the opposition, see Logan, “Rejecting the Disloyal Opposition?”

52. Editorial, Capital, August 14, 2005.

53. Lindberg, “Surprising Significance of African Elections,” 148.

54. Yamamoto, “Ethiopia's Troubled Internal Situation.”

55. Lindberg, “Surprising Significance of African Elections,” 140, 141, 149.

56. Yamamoto, “Ethiopia's Troubled Internal Situation.”

57. Lefort, “Power – Mengist – and Peasants,” 257.

58. Schedler, “Logic of Electoral Authoritarianism,” 10.

59. Schedler, “Menu of Manipulation,” 47.

60. Molutsi and Holm, “Developing Democracy,” 356.

61. Berman, “Civil Society.”

62. Semelin, “Analysis of a Mass Crime.”

63. In the Rwanda of a “democratic majority [Hutu] rule,” for instance, “democracy meant peace, an end to political corruption, financial accountability by the government and freedom of expression.” Prunier, Rwanda Crisis, 133.

64. Ottaway, Democracy Challenged, 14.

65. Ottaway, Democracy Challenged, 216–17.

66. Harbeson, “Ethiopia's Extended Transition”; Lyons, “Ethiopia in 2005.”

67. Levitsky and Way, “Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism,” 53.

68. Lindberg, “Surprising Significance of African Elections,” 149.

69. Lindberg, “Surprising Significance of African Elections,” 149.

70. Sullivan, “Missing Pillar,” 86–7.

71. Diamond, “Thinking about Hybrid Regimes.”

72. Walle, “Africa's Range of Regimes,” 67.

73. Kennedy, “What Next for Divided Mexico.”

74. Rainsford, “Turkey Bans ‘Genocide’ Conference.”

75. BBC News, “French in Armenia ‘Genocide’ Row,” October 12, 2006.

76. BBC News, “Turkish-Armenian Writer Shot Dead,” January 19, 2007.

77. See Abbay, “Diversity and State-building in Ethiopia.”

78. Ottaway, Democracy Challenged, 204–6.

79. Clapham, “Challenge of Democratization in Ethiopia,” 79.

80. Rustow, “Transitions to Democracy,” 350–1.

81. Kaplan, “Coming Anarchy,” 45.

82. Young, “Deciphering Disorder in Africa.”

83. International Monetary Fund, Press Release no. 07/42, March 9, 2007.

84. Kaplan, “Coming Anarchy.”

85. “Ethiopian Police Foil Bank Robbery in Addis Ababa,” Sudan Tribune, July 14, 2006.

86. The situation resembles the Algerian society in the late 1980s. Deepening dissatisfaction of the young urbanites, who were suffering from deepening dissatisfaction, felt, which they owed the FLN ended French colonialism, nothing. On the contrary, they held it responsible for their plight. Thus, the riots caused the regime to be shaken badly. The overall dissatisfaction of the urban youth was effectively exploited by the Islamic fundamentalists who were poised to take the reins of power by democratic elections. See Young, “Deciphering Disorder in Africa,” 5.

87. On the weaknesses of African opposition parties, see Monga, “Eight Problems with African Politics.”

88. Young, “Democracy and the Ethnic Question,” 10.

89. Rustow, “Transitions to Democracy,” 345.

90. Africa Watch, Evil Days.

91. See Reporter, Amharic edition, Sene 5, 1997 Ethiopian Calendar (June 12, 2005). The paper's editor/publisher, Amare Aregawi, confirmed this point during my interview on June 5, 2006. However, Bereket Simon, Adviser to the Prime Minister, vehemently denied it when I interviewed him on July 8, 2006. He said that the Tigrayans are still unflinching supporters of the TPLF.

92. How long the symbolic value of having a Tigrayan in power will last is not certain. Meles Zenawi has already made it clear that he will step down at the end of his current term in 2010. See McCrummen, “Interview with Meles Zenawi.”

93. Bereket Simon, interview, July 8, 2006; Tukabe Berhe (Assistant Dean for Administration, Theology College, Addis Ababa University), interview with author, June 30, 2006.

94. Neighbourhood, which is the smallest administrative unit in the urban areas.

95. The Tigrayan capital. This is congruent with what Bedru Adem said in a public rally that “On May 15 we are going to send the EPRDF to where they came from.”

96. Yamamoto, “Ethiopia's Troubled Internal Situation.”

97. Reporter, Amharic edition, Gambot 3, 1997, Ethiopian calendar (May 11, 2005).

98. Bereket Simon, interview, July 8, 2006. In reciprocity, the opposition compared the EPRDF with the inerahamwe. See the EU Election Observation Mission “Final Report”.

99. Debebe Haile Gabriel, interview, June 19, 2006. The APAP is one of the numerous civic associations and non-governmental organizations that have mushroomed since 1991.

100. Chairman Chris Smith, Opening Statement, “Ethiopia's Troubled Internal Situation,” House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations, 28 March 2006.

101. Capital, July 10, 2005, 15.

102. Debebe Haile Gabriel, interview, June 19, 2006. See also The Reporter, Amharic edition, Teqemt 23, 1998 (November 3, 2005). The entire issue is on the post-elections violence.

103. Cited in Capital, November 13, 2005, 6.

104. Cited in the Editorial, The Reporter, Amharic edition, Teqemt 23, 1998 (November 30, 2005), 2.

105. Nebrued Elias Abraha (Deputy Director of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church), interview with author, Addis Ababa, June 26, 2006.

106. Nebrued Elias Abraha (Deputy Director of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church), interview with author, Addis Ababa, June 26, 2006.

107. That is what they have stated in their programme. See, “1.3. Vital Values and Principles Guiding KINIJIT,” KINIJIT [CUD] MANIFESTO, Unofficial Translation, January 2006.

108. See “3.1. Constitutional Reform,” That is what they have stated in their programme. See, “1.3. Vital Values and Principles Guiding KINIJIT,” KINIJIT [CUD] MANIFESTO, Unofficial Translation, January 2006.

109. Staub, Roots of Evil, 3–12.

110. See the Amharic daily Addis Zemen, October 19, 1990.

111. Similar calls for ethnic mobilization fell on receptive ears of the ordinary people in Rwanda during the early 1990s. This can be explained by the fact that mobilization patterns vary according to culture, history, and traditions of various countries. There is no general and standard answer to why ordinary people respond in a way that they do to ethnic manipulation. See Prunier, Rwanda Crisis, p. 141.

112. See Ethiopian Herald, December 1, 2006.

113. OLF press release, 1 December, 2006.

114. Incidents of Christian–Muslim conflicts have already been reported several times. See, for instance, “Four Killed in Religious Riots in Ethiopia,” AFP, October 5, 2006; “Muslims Clash with Police in Addis,” AP, August 11, 2006.

115. Huntington, “Clash of Civilizations?,” 27.

116. Zewde, “What Did We Dream?”

117. Nebrued Elias Abraha, interview, June 26, 2006.

118. Berger, “Introduction: The Cultural Dynamics of Globalization,” 8.

119. Nebrued Elias Abraha, interview, June 26, 2006.