Abstract
Many counterinsurgent tribal militias emerged during the second civil war in Southern Sudan. Existing studies give the impression that formation of these groups was largely a top-down process. Focusing on the rise of the Fertit militia and relying on a series of in-depth interviews with tribal leaders, this article challenges that assumption. The article shows that the emergence of the Fertit militia was principally a grassroots phenomenon stemming from local tensions and conflicts. The article discusses the wider applicability of these insights and, generally, proposes a more nuanced approach to the study of counterinsurgent militia formation. The approach suggests simultaneous attention to state interventions and local interactions.
Acknowledgements
Research and writing for this article have been importantly facilitated by the National Science Foundation (SES 1121582), the Social Science Research Council (DPDF and IDRF), the United States Institute of Peace, the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, and the Research Council of Norway, under project 214349/F10, “The Dynamics of State Failure and Violence,” administered by the Peace Research Institute Oslo. An earlier version of the paper was presented to the conference on “Struggles over emerging states in Africa”, at the University of Durham, 9–11 May 2013. I am very grateful to Øystein Rolandsen for insightful feedback on earlier drafts.
Notes
1. The term “Southern Sudan” is used throughout because South Sudan was not an independent country at this time.
2. The Fertit is a cluster of tribes. The article employs the term “tribal” militias. Tribes are ethnic groups, just like religious, nationalist, or linguistic groups. There is a tendency in the literature to use the term “ethnic groups” for all of these collectivities. In doing so, a great deal of nuance gets lost. In South Sudan, individuals strongly identify with particular clans, tribes or clusters of tribes. See also CitationJohnson, Root Causes, xvii, fn. 5.
11. Counterinsurgent tribal militias emerged in both northern and Southern Sudan. Militias that emerged in northern Sudan arose along the north–south administrative border. These militias have often been labeled Arab militias. Most counterinsurgent tribal militias emerged in Southern Sudan, partly because that was the territory on which the war was largely waged.
12. See, for instance, CitationCarey, Mitchell, and Lowe, “States, the Security Sector, and the Monopoly of Violence,” 249–58; and CitationCarey, Colaresi, and Mitchell, “Why Do Governments Use Militias?”
17. CitationCohen and Arieli, “Field Research in Conflict Environments,” 423–35.
18. The importance of chiefs and elders in the production and presentation of knowledge at the tribal level is explained in CitationLeonardi, Dealing with Government in South Sudan.
19. This research project received IRB approval.
20. For insightful discussions on research ethics in the context of civil war, see CitationWood, “The Ethical Challenges,” 373–86; and CitationThomson, “Getting Close to Rwandans,” 19–34.
22. At least 24 languages, CitationThomas in Kafia Kingi, 40 (citing from Lewis, Ethnologue: Languages of the World, 2009).
25. CitationO'Fahey, “Slavery and the Slave Trade in Dār Fūr,” 29–43. The term Fertit was coined by Darfurians. It meant ‘enslaveable peoples of the forest zone’. de CitationWaal, “Who are the Darfurians?,” 184; see also CitationGray, History of Southern Sudan, 58–69; CitationSantandrea, Ethno-geography of the Bahr el-Ghazal; CitationSchweinfurth, The Heart of Africa; CitationCasati, Ten Years in Equatoria; CitationJackson, Black Ivory and White; and CitationCollins. The Southern Sudan, 177–80.
26. CitationSikainga, Western Bahr al-Ghazal, 34. Writing about the Western District, Daly observes: “The government was too vacillating and thinly spread to enforce any policy regarding slavery or the slave-trade, even had it wished sincerely to do so”, CitationDaly, Empire on the Nile, 141–2.
30. CitationSikainga calls the relocation “massive”, involving “approximately 5,258 households” and, for some, “a complete change of habitat”, CitationSikainga, Western Bahr al-Ghazal, 77; and see also CitationCollins, Southern Sudan in Historical Perspective, 54.
40. CitationJohnson and Prunier, “The Foundation and Expansion,” 132 fn. 14.
41. CitationThomas, Kafia Kingi, 106 (Committee for the Redivision of the Southern Provinces, nd, Section 2, 57). Alex de Waal similarly argues: ‘Like many smaller ethnic groups in the South, the Fertit are fearful of domination by the Dinka’. de CitationWaal, “Some Comments on Militias,” 153.
45. Interview, Raga, July 11, 2009; see also Interview, Wau, Sudan, August 2, 2009; Interview, Wau, Sudan, April 6, 2012. This is in line with research suggesting that resentment, as an emotion, has an important impact on the onset of ethnic conflict, CitationPetersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence.
49. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 10, 2009 (a, b). I use letters in parenthesis to distinguish between interviews conducted on the same day in the same location but with different tribal leaders.
50. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 11, 2009.
51. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 27, 2009.
52. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 10, 2009 (b); Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 11, 2009 (b); Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 18, 2009.
58. Lubkemann, “Migratory Coping,” 493.
59. Interview, Wau, Sudan, April 6, 2012.
60. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 10, 2009(a).
61. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 10, 2009(b); and see also Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 11, 2009.
62. Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 25, 2011(b).
63. Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 25, 2011(a); See also Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 25, 2011(b, c); and Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 26, 2011.
64. Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 25, 2011(a, c); and Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 26, 2011.
65. Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 25, 2011(b).
66. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 21, 2009.
67. Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 25, 2011(b).
68. Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 25, 2011(a).
69. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 11, 2009.
70. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 11, 2009; and Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 13, 2009.
71. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 14, 2009(c).
72. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 11, 2009.
73. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 13, 2009.
74. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 14, 2009(c, d); and Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 18, 2009.
75. Interview, Raga, Sudan, July 14, 2009(c, d).
76. Interview, Deim Zubeir, Sudan, March 26, 2011.
77. Interview, Wau, Sudan, July 30, 2009; Interview, Wau, Sudan, August 2, 2009; and Interview, Wau, April 6, 2012.
78. Interview, Wau, Sudan, April 6, 2012.
79. Interview, Wau, Sudan, April 6, 2012 and see also Interview, Raga, July 15, 2009.
80. Interview, Wau, Sudan, August 2, 2009.
81. Interview, Wau, Sudan, July 30, 2009.
82. Interview, Wau, Sudan, July 30, 2009.
83. Interview, Wau, Sudan, August 2, 2009. The practice of using razor blades to open vaginas does not seem to have been related to practices of female circumcision carried out by some Muslim communities in Sudan.
84. Interview, Wau, Sudan, April 6, 2012.
85. Interview, Wau, Sudan, July 30, 2009; and Interview, Wau, Sudan, August 2, 2009.
87. Interview, Wau, Sudan, April 6, 2012; and Interview, Wau, Sudan, July 30, 2009.
89. Interview, Wau, Sudan, July 30, 2009; and Interview, Wau, Sudan, August 2, 2009.
91. Interview, Wau, Sudan, July 30, 2009; Interview, Wau, Sudan, August 2, 2009. Over time, as the militia became more closely aligned with the army, Muslim Fertit also joined the militia, with units mobilized across Raga County.
96. CitationBurr and Collins, Requiem for the Sudan, CitationAfrica Watch, Denying, 68–9, 100–1, 153; CitationHuman Rights Watch, Famine in Sudan, 1998; and CitationUekert, Rivers of Blood, 91.
97. CitationBurr and Collins, Requiem for the Sudan, CitationAfrica Watch, Denying, 68–9, 100–1, 153; CitationHuman Rights Watch, Famine in Sudan, 1998; and CitationUekert, Rivers of Blood, 91.
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