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Abstract
An interesting feature of a growing number of the recently arrived Swahili-speaking communities in Britain is their parallel integration into the British society alongside their current integration into the newly emerging spread of ‘correct Islamic rituals’ as opposed to the old traditional ‘African Islamic’ ways from the Swahili coast. The new rituals with strong authorities offer social, emotional as well as economic support in relation to life-changing factors such as birth, death and marriage, and hence, in a way, adopt the role of the traditional Swahili extended family; although at the same time, they also act as alienating factors. This paper is an initial attempt at examining the extent to which the current integration has changed the cultural values and identities of the Swahili living in Britain. It aims at describing the socio-spatial dynamics and identity formation that has transcended the ‘original’ Swahili boundaries and how these are intricately linked to religion. To this end, three case studies of Zanzibari women in the recently arrived Swahili-speaking communities of London, Milton Keynes and Northampton will be presented.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1. From Eastman, “Who Are the Waswahili”, to Fair, Pastimes and Politics, and also Caplan and Topan, Swahili Modernities.
2. de Vere Allen, Swahili Origins, 5.
3. Horton and Middleton, The Swahili, 185.
4. Caplan, “But the Coast”, 8.
5. See Scott and Marshall (2005).
6. See Saggar (1995); Favell (1998).
7. Interdepartmental Working Group on the Integration of Refugees in Ireland, Integration: A Two Way Process, 9.
8. Modood, “Post-immigration ‘Difference’ and ‘Integration’,” 2012.
9. Modood, “Post-immigration ‘Difference’ and ‘Integration’,” 2012.
10. Mirza and Strobel, Three Swahili Women, 1.
11. There is a great difference between the Swahili who immigrated to Britain in the 60s and those who did so within the last decade or so. One finds, for instance, that the majority of those who emigrated in the 1960s did so under the duress of Zanzibar’s political situation, whereas the majority of current immigrants are motivated by economics.
12. This term has been used in this study to describe phenomena involving mobility, migration, circulation and spatial interconnectedness that are not limited to national boundaries.
13. Breaking the fast where all types of dishes are prepared.
14. Mirza and Strobel, Three Swahili Women, 10.
15. Appadurai, “The Production of Locality,” 216.
16. The Swahili wa-ansar sunna are a group of Sunni Muslims who claim to be leading their lives as did the prophet – as demands the sunna – and are therefore often in opposition to other Swahili Muslims. For instance, they believe events such as the maulid (prophet’s birthday), the khitma (praying for the dead on the third day) are all un-Islamic – they are new inventions (bidaa). One of the most famous Swahili ansar sunna is called Bachu. The term is derived from the Ansar al-Sunna, or Army of the Protectors of the Prophet Mohammad’s sunna.
17. According to the Al Hidaaya, Swahili Muslim authority in Britain, upholding the Maulid means one will burn in hell since the Prophet never celebrated his birthday. http://www.alhidaaya.com/sw/node/3766
18. According to the Al Hidaaya, Swahili Muslim authority in Britain reading the Quran for the dead is forbidden unless it is by the child of the deceased or family. http://www.alhidaaya.com/sw/node/219
19. In my conversation with Swahili women, the Al-Imaan association sprung up every now and then. It is a religious association managed from Northampton. According to Zahra (third case study), the Al-Imaan has approximately 800 members, the majority being Swahili speakers from Tanzania, Kenya and Somalia and living around Milton Keynes and Northampton. It also has a few Jamaican and English converts as members – these are people with links to the Swahili either through marriage or friendships. The initial aim of this organization was to give support in times of death and marriage – therefore, the members of this association enjoyed what can loosely be referred to as an extended family. For its survival, every Swahili home contributes £5 a month (initially it had been £3). The organization offers Quranic lessons to approximately 200 Swahili children who pay £18 a month for weekend classes. This money is used in the running of the madrassa and also in paying a stipend of about £100 a month to 16 religious teachers. All the teachers are Swahili, apart from one who is English.The Al-Imaan offers guidance to the Swahili and directs them towards proper Islamic conduct and ritual observation. It is involved in reconciling prospective divorces, holding networking meetings for its members, conducting religious classes and has recently initiated a project that aims at reducing Swahili women’s dependency on benefits. To this end, it has linked with colleges in Northampton and Milton Keynes and has been able to register a number of Swahili women into courses such as hair dressing, cake decoration and even ESOL.
20. The reformists preach a return to an original form of Islam as was practiced by the prophet Mohammad. They tend to refute most ‘traditional’ practices that Swahili observe.