The master narratives of modern China: their origins, evolution, and reconstruction – a review of Li Huaiyin’s Reinventing Modern China: Imagination and Authenticity in Chinese Historical Writing

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Notes

¹ Major works on this subject from mainland China include Ouyang Junxi, “Ershi shiji sanshi niandai”; Zhang Haipeng and Gong Yun, Zhongguo jindai shi yanjiu; and Xu Xiuli, “Zhongguo jindaishi yanjiu.” For publications from overseas scholars, see Paul Cohen, Discovering History in China, and Arif Dirlik, “Geming zhihou de shixue.”

² Li’s book was published by the University of Hawaii Press in 2012. The Chinese edition, translated by Sui Yousheng and Wang Chuanqi, was issued by Zhonghua shuju in October 2013.

³ According to Li’s own recollection, as a graduate student at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in 1980, he was working on his master’s thesis about the influence of Confucian values on the Chinese industrialist Zhang Jian and his business operations. However, the orthodox Marxist historians at the academy showed no interest in his project. In the end, he had to “apply the standard Marxist methodology and focus on how Zhang’s commercial activities shaped his political position,” which Li found “boring and unsatisfying.” Li Huaiyin, Chonggou jindai Zhongguo, viii.

⁴ Li Huaiyin’s articles include “Xiandaihua yu chuantong”; “Zhongguo zhengzhi jindaihua”; “Zhengzhi xiandaihua”; “Ping xiandaihua”; and “Xiandaihua.”

⁵ Li was a major contributor to The Historical Evolution of China’s Modernization (Zhongguo xiandaihua de lishi jincheng), edited by Hu Fuming. He wrote the introduction and the first three chapters of the book.

⁶ The study of modern Chinese history was taken seriously and accepted as a legitimate academic discipline in the early 1930s. See Ouyang Junxi, “Lun ‘Zhongguo jindaishi’.”

⁷ See White, Metahistory.

⁸ Xia Mingfang, “Zhongguo jindai lishi,” 16–17, 19–21.

⁹ See Xu Xiuli, “Cong yinzheng kan,” 61–62.

¹⁰ See Cohen, Discovery History in China; Duara, Rescuing History.

¹¹ Even before Li, other mainland Chinese scholars had already proposed the within-time approach to historical studies. For example, Luo Zhitian opposed the teleological approach to history in the article “Minguoshi yanjiu,” and Sang Bing called for a “return to historical site” in the article “Cong yanguang xiangxia.”

¹² Zhang Haipeng, “Ershi shiji Zhongguo jindaishi.”

¹³ Wang Yujun, “Luo Zhixi xiansheng,” 905.

¹⁴ Luo Jialun, “Yanjiu Zhongguo jindaishi,” 51–80.

¹⁵ Jiang Tingfu, “Jindai Zhongguo waijiaoshi,” 45.

¹⁶ Gu Jiegang, “Yugong xuehui,” 71.

¹⁷ Cai Yuanpei, “Ming Qing shiliao,” 513.

¹⁸ Gu Jiegang, “Yugong xuehui,” 72.

¹⁹ Chen Shoushi, “Xueshu rilu,” 422.

²⁰ Luo Jialun, “Yanjiu Zhongguo jindaishi,” 69.

²¹ Zheng Hesheng, “Zenyang yanjiu Zhongguo jindaishi.”

²² Lai Xinxia, “Woxue Zhongguo jindaishi,” 265, 268.

²³ Cai Meibiao, interview by Zhao Qingyun, Beijing, August 6, 2011.

²⁴ “Guanyu jindaishi yanjiu jigou,” archived documents collected in the Institute of Modern History, Beijing.

²⁵ Wu Xun (1838–1896) was born in Tangyi, Shandong Province, the seventh child in his family. He had no official name until the Qing court awarded him the name “Xun” in honor of his efforts to build schools with the money he raised from begging. He was also known as Mengzheng and Yixuezheng and regarded as one of the pioneers in starting public schools in modern China. His begging activities lasted 38 years, and the money he raised was used to build three public schools to educate countless children from poor families. He enjoyed posthumous honor as “the most amazing beggar in history.” Xing Peihua et al., “Wu Xun shengping.”

²⁶ Wu Di, “Zhe yeshi yizhong lishi”; Feng Yizhi, “Yao cong Wu Xun lishi diaocha ji.”

²⁷ Wu Xun lishi diaochatuan, “Wu Xun lishi diaochaji,” July 23–July 28, 1951 in series.

²⁸ Zhou Yang, “Fan renmin.”

²⁹ Huang Yuanqi, “Wu Xun lishi diaocha ji suo tishi de,” 1, 3.

³⁰ Guangxisheng taiping tianguo wenshi diaochatuan, “Taiping tianguo qiyi,” 2.

³¹ Jiang Dachun, Lishi zhuyi, 15–33; Wang Xuedian, Ershi shiji Zhongguo shixue pinglun, 173–201.

³² For more detailed discussion, see Zhao Qingyun, “Zhuanye shijia.”

³³ Fan Wenlan, “Lishi yanjiu bixu houjin bogu,” 7.

³⁴ These sections have been translated and published in Chinese; Li Huaiyin, “Xiandaihua yu chuantong.”

³⁵ Liu Danian’s criticism of Fan’s Modern Chinese History is that Fan “fails to focus on the evolution and changes in the relationship among the different social classes.” Liu argues that the key reason for this failure is that “Fan is preoccupied with condemning the Manchu ruling elite.” See Liu Danian, “Xu,” 12.

³⁶ “Zai zhongyang zhengzhiju,” 10.

³⁷ Mao Zedong, “Zhongguo geming,” 637.

³⁸ See Mou Anshi, “Woguo xin minzhu zhuyi geming.”

³⁹ Fan Wenlan, Zhongguo jindai shi, 93–94.

⁴⁰ Fan Wenlan, “Shei shi lishi de zhuren”; Fan Wenlan, “Zai tan shei shi lishi de zhuren.”

⁴¹ Wang Lanxi, “Kangzhan chuqi,” 359.

⁴² Fan Wenlan, “Gujin zhongwai fa.”

⁴³ Fan Wenlan, “Zhongguo jindaishi fenqi wenti,” 114.

⁴⁴ Zhang Zhenkun, interview by Zhao Qingyun, Beijing, April 19, 2013.

⁴⁵ Liu Danian, “Zhongguo jindaishi shang de renmin qunzhong,” 9.

⁴⁶ See Chen Jinlong, “‘Ban zhimindi ban fengjian’ gainian”; and Li Hongyan, “Ban zhimindi ban fengjian lilun.”

⁴⁷ See Zhang Wentian, Zhongguo xiandai geming yundong shi.

⁴⁸ See Ouyang Junxi, “Ershi shiji sanshi niandai”; Xia Mingfang, “Yibu meiyou ‘jindai’ de Zhongguo jindai shi”; and Arif Dirlik, “Ouzhou zhongxin baquan.”

⁴⁹ Sun Yat-sen, “Taiping tianguo,” 259.

⁵⁰ One of the tasks of the Chinese revolution as proposed at the Second National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party was “to overthrow the oppression of imperialism and achieve national independence for China.” See “Guanyu ‘guoji diguo zhuyi,’” 62. The Chinese Communist Party also declared at the Third National Congress that its objectives were “to eliminate warlords and to overthrow imperialism.” See “Zhongguo gongchandang di san ci,” 165.

⁵¹ The Nationalist Party stated in its manifesto at the Second National Congress in 1926 that “As a major part of the world revolution, the chief objective of the Chinese revolution is to drive imperialism out of China.” See “Zhongguo guomindang di er ci,” 106.

⁵² Chiang Kai-shek, “Guomin geming jun,” 10.

⁵³ See Liu Pujiang, “Taiping tianguo shiguan.”

⁵⁴ Wang Qisheng, Geming yu fan geming, 75.

⁵⁵ Dirlik, Revolution and History, 65.

⁵⁶ Mao Zedong, “Guanyu nongcun diaocha,” 278–379.

⁵⁷ Mao Zedong, “Hunan nongmin yundong,” 17.

⁵⁸ Xiao Yishan, Qingshi dagang, 1.

⁵⁹ Ibid., 1–9.

⁶⁰ Li Jiefei, Zhongguo jinshi shi, 13–49, 213–240.

⁶¹ Ibid., 10.

⁶² Beginning in 1929, Zheng Hesheng started lecturing on modern Chinese history at the Nationalist’s Central College of Politics and the National Central University. He later published his lectures as a book in 1929; it consisted of eight volumes with an estimated 800,000 words. The manuscript, entitled A History of Modern China, was revised numerous times in subsequent years, but unfortunately it was destroyed in December 1937 due to destruction caused by the war with Japan. In 1944, The Southern Publishing House in Chongqing decided to reissue the first two volumes of the book based on Zheng’s lectures in 1930. In 1992, a publisher in Shanghai published Zheng’s lecture notes that he used while teaching at the Central College of Politics. The publication was included as volume four in a book series on Republican China. A leading historian, Gu Jiegang, regarded Zheng as a representative of one of the two major schools in the study of modern Chinese history, rivaling Jiang Tingfu in both influence and reputation. See Gu Jiegang, Dangdai Zhongguo shixue, 75.

⁶³ After 1949, Zheng Hesheng modified his earlier views of Hong Xiuquan by pointing out that while Hong may have been charismatic, he was also temperamental, arrogant, and stubborn. See Zheng Hesheng’s “Tianwang Hong Xiuquan.”

⁶⁴ Zheng Hesheng, Zhongguo jinshi shi, vol. 2, 93.

⁶⁵ The title of chapter two of Reinventing Modern China is “Origins of the Modernization Narrative: Nationalist Historiography before 1949.”

⁶⁶ Mao Zedong, “Zhongguo gongchandang,” 525.

⁶⁷ Mao Zedong, “Zhongguo geming,” 631. Mao’s statement was the theoretical underpinning for Fan Wenlan and Sun Shouren’s historical writing and explains why they opposed the class struggle paradigm in the 1950s.

⁶⁸ Hua Gang, Zhongguo minzu jiefang, 3.

⁶⁹ Mao Zedong, “Zhongguo geming,” 625.

⁷⁰ Mao Zedong, “Diudiao huanxiang,” 1487.

⁷¹ Liu Danian, “Zhongguo lishi kexue xianzhuang.”

⁷² Liu Danian, “Zhongguo jindaishi zhu wenti.”

⁷³ Jin Yufu, Jing wu shi riji, 7623.

⁷⁴ Hu Sheng published an article entitled “Zhongguo jindai lishi de fenqi wenti” in the inaugural issue of Lishi yanjiu in 1954. In it, he proposed that the Taiping Rebellion, the Hundred-Day Reform, and the Boxer Uprising be viewed as three revolutionary tides in modern Chinese history. That view has been quite influential among historians.

⁷⁵ Dai Yi, “Zhongguo jindaishi de fenqi wenti”; “Zhongguo jindaishi fenqi wenti de taolun.”

⁷⁶ Liu Shaoqi, Lun guoji zhuyi, 31.

⁷⁷ Liu Danian, “Lun Zhongguo jindaishi shang de renmin qunzhong,” 8.

⁷⁸ Fan Wenlan, “Zhongguo jindaishi fenqi wenti,” 127, 139, 145.

⁷⁹ Li Shu, “1979,” 9.

⁸⁰ For example, Zheng Shiqu has argued that, at the moment, the modernization model still represents a totally new analytical perspective and a new experiment in research and is far from being widely accepted, let alone replacing the revolution model. See Zheng’s “Jindaishi jiaocai.” However, Xia Mingfang has observed that “as the market economy and commercialism permeate every aspect of social life, the modernization model has gradually established its primacy in academic research.” See Xia’s “Zhongguo jindai lishi.”

⁸¹ See Xu Xiuli, “Zhongguo jindaishi yanjiu.”

⁸² Hu Sheng, “Guanyu jindai Zhongguo.”

⁸³ Liu Danian, “Minzu de shengli.”

⁸⁴ Liu Danian, “Zhongguo jindai lishi yundong,” 2–3.

⁸⁵ Jin Chongji, Ershi shiji Zhongguo shigang, 1.

⁸⁶ Yang Kuisong, “Tiaochu chuantong.”

⁸⁷ Li Dazhao, “Sun Zhongshan,” 96.

⁸⁸ Xu Xiuli, “Cong yinzheng kan,” 62.

⁸⁹ Luo Zhitian, “Jian zhi yu xing shi,” 30.

⁹⁰ I wish to thank Professor Xie Wei, whose ideas have helped me write this paragraph.

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Qingyun Zhao

ZHAO Qingyun, born in 1977 in Hunan, received his PhD in history in 2008. He is currently a research fellow in the Institute of Modern History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. His main research areas include modern Chinese history, academic history, and the history of historiography. Dr Zhao’s articles include “An Explanation of ‘the Theory of Three High Tides of Revolution in Modern China’”, Modern Chinese History Studies, no. 6 (2010); “The Academic Research of the Institute of Modern History in 1950s”, Thought and Words, no. 2 (2010); and “Professional Historians and ‘The Movement of Four History’”, Historiography Quarterly, no. 3 (2012).