Barrios and hyper barrios: how Latino neighborhoods changed the urban built environment

Abstract

This paper examines the trends in Latino neighborhoods located in a metropolitan statistical area. We focused on Latino neighborhoods because they are important features of the urban built environment. The change in this urban space from non-Latino to Latino identity has significant implications. The analysis focused on four research questions: (1) how many Latino neighborhoods exist in the US? (2) which metropolitan regions had Latino neighborhoods? (3) what was the spatial relationship of Latino neighborhoods within each region? and (4) what factors were associated with Latino neighborhoods? We provide empirical evidence to answer these questions. First, Latino neighborhoods have increased by 232% from 1980 to 2010. Second, there were 13 metropolitan regions that had more than 100 Latino neighborhoods in 2010. Third, the majority of the Latino neighborhoods in each region were highly clustered in space with each other. Fourth, the proportion of Latino immigrations, Latino poverty, and Latinos who speak another language at home (other than English) were associated with the densification of Latino neighborhoods (i.e. hyper barrios). Our research suggests that Latino neighborhoods offer an important analytical lens into understanding the social, economic and political forces that make the city function on a day-to-day basis.

Keywords:

• Latino
• neighborhoods
• Mexican
• Cuban
• Puerto Rican
• Pan-Latino

Notes

1. Calculations performed by authors.

2. In 1980, Latinos made up 20% of Chicago’s population.

3. Information for each ward can be found at http://www.cityofchicago.org/city/en/about/wards/01.html

4. It is possible that we might have missed other research related to our research questions. The works could be in an edited book or in a journal that is not indexed.

5. It is important to note that the number of Latino tracts may be undercut due to the fact there is a history of undercounting Latinos in metropolitan regions (Ronzio 2007, Martin 2010). The numbers we present in this paper should be interpreted as the low end of Latino neighborhoods.

6. In 1990, Latinos made up 13% of the population in the Dallas MSA. This number grew to 28% in 2010. A similar pattern was found in the Fresno MSA (Latinos made up 35% of the population in 1990, but by 2010 they made up 50% of the population), and Phoenix MSA, (Latinos made up 16% of the population in 1990, but by 2010 they made up 29% of the population).

7. The Latino poverty in suburban barrios and hyper barrios was 21% and 28%, respectively. The Latino poverty in city barrios and hyper barrios was 24% and 30%, respectively.