![Sample our Humanities journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5939/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Humanities.jpg"})
ABSTRACT
The Barros family, has, for centuries, administered the morgado of Real, the chapel of Senhora das Graças and a hospital in the city of Braga that harboured poor women. This hospital, named the Hospital de Santiago and the Hospital das Velhas (hospital for elderly women), was founded in the Late Middle Ages and continued to function until the nineteenth century. The current study analyses how aid to the poor, in an urban context, served as a catalyser of the prestige of the family that administered it. Using manuscript, printed and iconographic sources, processed by a multidisciplinary methodology, this investigation discusses the main patrimonial, social and symbolic coordinates that allowed the survival of the morgado and of the hospital in the long term.
Acknowledgements
Our supervisor, Lecturer Maria Maria Marta Lobo de Araújo, PhD, for her reading, suggestions and reviews of this text. To the Director and staff of Arquivo Distrital de Braga, specially to Sandra Meneses and Luís Araújo, for making the documentation in archive available. To the Director of Colégio de Nossa Senhora das Graças and of Congregação Religiosa das Servas Franciscanas de Nossa Senhora das Graças de Braga, Sister Augusta da Conceição Mendes, for the availability and kindness evidenced in the guided tour of the old manor house of the Barros Family, in Real, current office of the institutions she presides; an acknowledgement also extended to Susana Vaz and Epifânia Oliveira. To the staff of Arquivo Municipal de Braga, for the support in the unsuccessful researches. To the Director of Tesouro-Museu da Sé de Braga, Canon João Paulo Abreu, and to Fernanda Barbosa, for allowing the photographic capture of Capela de Nossa Senhora das Graças.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 In accordance with the index of the Chapter and the document of establishment of the morgado, of 1539, the street of the hospital came to be called “Rua de Santiago”. During the Middle Ages, it was called Rua da Erva and Rua da Judiaria Velha because it was located next to the door of São Tiago. Later, the street changed its name to Rua de Santa Maria or Rua do Poço. It should be noted that, in 1791, the Church of Cividade underwent architectural changes that translocated the facade from east to west, a position in which it currently finds itself. Maria do Carmo Franco Ribeiro, «Braga entre a época romana e a Idade Moderna. Uma metodologia de análise para a leitura da evolução da paisagem urbana» (PhD diss., Braga, Universidade do Minho, 2008), 411–536.
2 District Archives of Braga (ADB); Chapter of Sé Cathedral, Braga, Livro de Prazos do Cabido, n.° 10, ff. 248v. e 250.
3 ADB, Parish of Cividade, Livro de Registo de Óbitos, 1772-1837, n.° 79, f. 171v.
4 The quotation is from the entry of the town of Braga in the incomplete geographical dictionary written by Luís Cardoso, published in 1747.
5 Bernardino José de Senna Freitas, Memorias de Braga contendo muito interessantes escriptos extrahidos e recopilados de diferentes archivos assim de obras raras como de manuscriptos ainda inéditos e descripção de pedras inscripcionaes, vol. 1 (Braga: Imprensa Catholica, 1890), 116 and 155.
6 This research derives from my Master’s dissertation research about the practices of almsgiving to poor people by Santa Casa da Misericórdia of Braga, I was confronted with countless records of alms to dead people in an institution named Hospital de Santiago, located in Braga.
7 This methodology finds parallel in studies developed by Archaeology and Urban History. See, for example, Ribeiro, «Braga entre a época romana e a Idade Moderna. Uma metodologia de análise para a leitura da evolução da paisagem urbana»,181-199; Maria do Carmo Franco Ribeiro and Maria Manuela Martins, «Contributo para o estudo do abastecimento de água à cidade de Braga na Idade Moderna: o livro da Cidade de Braga (1737)», in Caminhos da Água: paisagens e usos na longa duração, ed. Manuela Martins, Isabel Vaz Freitas and Maria Isabel Del Val Valdivieso [Braga: Centre for Transdisciplinary Research, «Cultura, Espaço e Memória» (CITCEM), 2012], 179–221.
8 This document is transcribed in a memoir of the old bonds of Braga of the Judge of Resíduos, dated 1587. That magistracy of the government of Mitra Arquiepiscopal of Braga was occupied by one of the judges of the Relação Eclesiástica (court of appeal), who was responsible for the inspection of the fulfilment of the last wishes of the deceased; it had secular and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the city. About the competences in this magistrature Ana Sandra Meneses, «Arquivo do Arcebispo Primaz de Braga», Fórum, n. 40 (2006): 135.
9 In the context of this text, the use of the terms “medieval” or “Middle Ages” correspond to the Late Middle Ages (11th–15th centuries).
10 Alberto Feio, Coisas Memoráveis de Braga e Outros Textos (Braga: University of Minho and the Public Library of Braga, 1984), 84.
11 José Marques, «A assistência no Norte de Portugal nos finais da Idade Média», História - Revista da FLUP 6 (1989): 49.
12 Although, in the medieval period, the terms hospital and “albergaria” (inn) were synonyms, José Marques and Maria do Carmo Ribeiro mention them as separate institutions. Cf. Maria Helena Cruz Coelho, «A ação dos particulares para com a pobreza nos séculos XI e XII», in A pobreza e a assistência aos pobres na Península Ibérica durante a Idade Média. Actas das 1.as jornadas luso-espanholas de História Medieval, vol. I (Lisbon: Instituto de Alta Cultura - Centro de Estudos Históricos, 1973), 245; Maria do Carmo Ribeiro, «A implantação das instituições de assistência na paisagem urbana medieval: reflexões sobre os processos de urbanização das cidades de Braga e Guimarães (Norte de Portugal)», in Civitas bendita : encrucijada de las relaciones sociales y de poder en la ciudad medieval, ed. Gregoria Cavero Domínguez (Leão: University of León and Área de Publicaciones, 2016), 67–72.
13 José Marques, «O culto de São Tiago no Norte de Portugal», Lusitana Sacra, 2.a série, n. 4 (1992): 130.
14 José Marques, «O Minho na Baixa Idade Média», in Minho. Traços de Identidade (Braga: Universidade do Minho, 2009), 356.
15 Ribeiro, «A implantação das instituições de assistência na paisagem urbana medieval: reflexões sobre os processos de urbanização das cidades de Braga e Guimarães (Norte de Portugal)», 67–72.
16 Leonardo Manuel Cabral da Silva, «Arquitetura das estruturas de assistência no Norte de Portugal (séculos XII a XVI)» (Master’s diss., Faculty of Literature, University of Porto, 2017), 124–25.
17 Maria Marta Lobo de Araújo, «A oferta assistencial na Braga Setecentista», in El mundo urbano en el siglo de la Ilustración: actas da Reunión Cientifica de la Fundación Española de Historia Moderna, 10, Santiago de Compostela, 2009., ed. Ofélia Rey Castelao e Roberto López J., vol. 2 (Santiago de Compostela: Dirección Xeral de Turismo, 2009), 245–56.
18 Laurinda Abreu, O poder e os pobres: as dinâmicas políticas e sociais da pobreza e da assistência em Portugal (séculos XVI-XVIII) (Lisbon: Gradiva, 2014), 254.
19 Institutions called “hospitalillos” or “hospitalicios” were usual in all of urban and rural Spain during the Early Modern age. Some of them were founded in the medieval period as is the case in this study. See, for example, the cases of Santiago de Compostela (Galicia), Castile and León, Álava (Basque Country) and Jaén (Andalusia): Baudillo Barreiro Mallón e Ofelia Rey Castelao, Pobres, Peregrinos y Enfermos: La red asistencial gallega en el Antiguo Régimen (Santiago de Compostela: Consorcio de Santiago e Nigra Arte, s.d.), 60-67; Manuel Ferreiro Ardións e Juan Lezaun, «La asistencia hospitalaria en Álava durante la Edad Moderna», Sancho el Sabio, n. 38 (2015): 229; Alfredo Martín García, «Hospitales y refugios: la red asistencial leonesa durante el siglo XVIII», in Marginalidade. Pobreza e respostas sociais na Península Ibéria (séculos XVI-XX), ed. Maria Marta Lobo de Araújo e Alexandra Esteves (Braga: CITCEM, 2011), 193–98; José María Díaz Herández, «El antiguo “Hospitalico” de Jesús, María y José de la ciudad de Jaén: Una institución benéfica, por y para mujeres.», in I Congreso Virtual sobre historia de las mujeres (First virtual Congress about the history of women, Jaén: Asociación de Amigos del Archivo Histórico Diocesano de Jaén, 2009), 1–9.
20 Paulo Drumond Braga, «A crise dos estabelecimentos de assistência aos pobres nos finais da Idade Média», Revista Portuguesa de História, n. XXVI (1991): 175–90.
21 Sandra Cavallo, Charity and Power in Early Modern Italy: Benefactors and their Motives in Turim 1547–1789 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 100.
22 Abreu, O poder e os pobres: as dinâmicas políticas e sociais da pobreza e da assistência em Portugal (séculos XVI-XVIII), 261.
23 Maria de Lurdes Rosa, «A religião do século: vivências e devoções dos leigos», in História Religiosa de Portugal: Formação e Limites da Cristandade, ed. Carlos Moreira Azevedo, vol. 1 (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 2000), 461.
24 Ângela Barreto Xavier e António Manuel Hespanha, «As redes clientelares», in História de Portugal: O Antigo Regime (1620-1807), ed. José Mattoso, vol. 4 (Lisbon: Editorial Estampa, 1998), 339–49.
25 Isabel dos Guimarães Sá, «Pobreza», in Dicionário de História Religiosa de Portugal, ed. Carlos Moreira Azevedo (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores e Centro de Estudos de História Religiosa da UCP, 2001).
26 According to Maria de Lurdes Rosa, this relationship between the morgadio, assumed in the will of its institutor was profound and the importance of memorising the past through the repetition in the future of public acts based on a patrimonial basis. Cf. Maria de Lurdes Rosa, O morgadio em Portugal (sécs. XIV-XV): modelos e práticas de comportamento linhagístico (Lisbon: Editorial Estampa, 1995), 50–54.
27 The ecclesiastical reserve precedes the foundation of the Kingdom of Portugal and was donated to the archbishop of Braga by Count D. Henrique, in 1112, and corresponded, roughly, to the city of Braga. This lordship was abolished in 1790 through the law on the abolition of grantees. The suffragan territory of the archdiocese of Braga, was very extensive and has been reduced, by the creation of other dioceses, such as Miranda do Douro (1545), Vila Real (1922) and Viana do Castelo (1987).
28 “Carta de Lei” of May 20, 1863 in Colleção Oficial da Legislação Portuguesa redigida por José Maximo de Castro Vasconcelos 1864, 200–201. The document that allowed an identification of the bond for the institution of Morgado of Real, dated 1862 (see note 16), must have been drawn up in the course of the law preceding the extinction of the bonds, dated 1860, which determined the mandatory registration of all the morgados and chapels. The titleholder of Barros house, in the second half of the 19th century, was the 1st Viscount of Amparo, Rodrigo Barba Alardo de Lencastre e Barros, petitioner of this document.
29 The chapel and morgado of the Barros family did not have independent bonds between them, because the heritage that was associated with them served to carry out the suffrages of the soul and to support the nobility of the lineage.; this is why the term “morgado-chapel” is used. Throughout the text, the word “chapel (EN) / capela (PT)” is used in its double meaning: as a locale edified with an altar where masses were held; and as a juridical bond that configured an inalienable certain inheritance dedicated to the realisation of perpetual suffrages. Guilherme Alves Moreira, Instituições do Direito Civil Português, vol. III, IV vols. (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1907), http://www.governodosoutros.ics.ul.pt.
30 Domingos de Araújo Affonso, «Da verdadeira origem de algumas famílias ilustres de Braga e seu termo. XVIII Barros de São Jerónimo de Real», Bracara Augusta XXIV, n. 57–58 (69-70) (1970): 124.
31 Felgueiras Gaio, Nobiliário de Famílias de Portugal, ed. Agostinho de Azevedo Meirelles e Domingos de Araújo Affonso, vol. Tomo VI (Braga: Oficinas Gráficas da «Pax», 1938), 134.
32 Parochial Memoirs of Sé (1758) mentions that Morreira's bond had instituted Archdeacon of Braga Dom Martim Martins de Barros during the time of Archbishop Dom Estêvão Soares da Silva (Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo - Lisbon, Memórias Paroquiais, Paróquia de Braga (Sé), 1758, n.° 57, pg. 1117). This is the only documentary evidence with an approximate reference to the foundation of the bond; however, it was written many centuries after the foundation, which does not allow for reliable assertation. Handwritten or printed genealogical works are contradictory in this respect. On the other hand, Alberto Feio (1992: 130) identified an Albergaria Nova da Cividade, which was a hospital for women that would later be called Hospital das Velhas, which, in 1324, received a legacy. José Marques (1992: 130) wrote that the Albergaria de São Tiago was already operational in 1249. No Archdeacon Martim Martins de Barros appears in the list of canons from Braga between 1245 and 1347 (AMSA Rodrigues et al. 2005: 125–139), which just refutes the hypothesis that the founder was a member of the Braga chapter during that period. Cf. Feio, Coisas Memoráveis de Braga e Outros Textos, 130; Marques, «O culto de São Tiago no Norte de Portugal», 130; Ana Maria S. A. Rodrigues et al., Os capitulares bracarenses (1245-1374): notícias biográficas (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos de História Religiosa/Universidade Católica Portuguesa, 2005), 125–39.
33 Affonso, «Da verdadeira origem de algumas famílias ilustres de Braga e seu termo. XVIII Barros de São Jerónimo de Real», 124; Gaio, Nobiliário de Famílias de Portugal, Tomo VI:158.
34 As evidenced by a certificate dated October 28, 1862 notarised by the notary Francisco José Peixoto Vieira. This public notary handed over a document with a letter from the 17th century, which is presented in the annex. These two documents are similar in content to each other, which is the copy closest to the date of the original bond and which, as mentioned, is found in one of the books of the Judge of Residues of Mitra, archdiocesan council of Braga. The documents are identical, but the 19th century certificate has some toponymical inaccuracies. After comparing the three manuscripts, corrections were made according to the oldest copy (ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo, residente na sua Quinta do Amparo, do concelho de Leiria, de certidão e teor da instituição do Morgado de Lopo de Barros que se acha no livro que servia no ano de 1670, folha 26, do extinto Juízo dos Resíduos e respetiva certidão, 1862, n.° 36).
35 At an unknown time, the houses of the hospital gained another floor. It is certain that, in the 18th century, the priest Luís Cardoso (1747: 261) mentions that the old women lived in the lower part of the houses. A floor must have been added after the institution of Morgado of Real; on the map of Braun (1594), these buildings already appear with two floors. See Luís Cardoso, Diccionario geografico, ou noticia historica de todas as cidades, villas, lugares, e aldeas, rios, ribeiras, e serras dos Reynos de Portugal, e Algarve, com todas as cousas raras, que nelles se encontraõ, assim antigas, como modernas / que escreve, e offerece ao muito alto … Rey D. João V nosso senhor o P. Luiz Cardoso, da Congregaçaõ do Oratorio de Lisboa (Lisbon: Regia Officina Sylviana da Academia Real, 1747), 261.
36 See footnote 1.
37 Bluteau (1713a, 2: 237) mentions that a censo is "an income from some real estate that is paid to the landlord". According to Moreira (1907, III: 103–104), unlike leaseholders, where a domain is received for a rent delivered to the landlord of the property and who retain their right of property, “the rent payer is, fully, the owner of the thing received from the censo”. The recipient of the censo may dispose of it against the will and without the knowledge of the landlord, and it is therefore not surprising that a property could be bonded. In this case, the censo was paid to Morgado of Real, as an entity with its own legal personality.
38 ADB, Índice dos Prazos … , f. 248.
39 ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , ff. 2 e 2v.
40 The map, which is part of a private collection, was published in the Forum journal in the 90s in the past century. Henrique Barreto Nunes, «Uma imagem inédita de Braga no século XVII», FORUM, n. 15/16 (1994): 23.
41 Mappa da Cidade de Braga Primaz, 1756-57, de André Ribeiro Soares da Silva. Braga: Município de Braga, 2015.
42 As in Planta Tipográfica da Cidade de Braga of Francisque Goullard (1883/84), published by Miguel Sopas Bandeira Miguel Sopas Bandeira, ed., Planta Tipográfica da Cidade de Braga de Francisque Goullard (1883/84) (Braga: Município de Braga, 2015), 59.
43 Miguel Sopas Bandeira, O espapo urbano de Braga em meados do século XVIII (Porto: Edições Afrontamento, 2000), 114–15.
44 See the case studies of Coimbra, Porto and Lisbon «A assistência em Coimbra na Idade Média: dimensão urbana, religiosa e socioeconómica (séculos XII a XIV)» (PhD diss., Coimbra, Universidade de Coimbra, 2019), 403–9; Liliana Paula Teixeira Ribeiro, «A arquitetura neopalladiana portuense: o Hospital de Santo António (1679-1832)» (PhD diss., Porto, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, 2012), 74–82; Paulo Lopes, «A assistência hospitalar medieval anterior à instituição do Hospital Real de Todos os Santos» (Dissertação de Mestrado, Lisbon, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2015), 16–61.
45 The houses were single storey in 1539 confirmed by Luís Cardoso in the 18th century. See note 18.
46 House number 17 in the rent contract of the Chapter’s houses, which faces the hospital in the north, had a covered floor area of 100 m2: 6 varas (7m), East to West by 13 varas (14m), North to South - and a small backyard with an area of 71.5 m2 (5 varas by 13 varas). In the 18th century, the backyard had already been transformed into a square onto which there was a balcony. This property, in the 18th century, had a well, a wine cellar, six shops, three rooms with bedrooms and a kitchen. The elevation of the building number 17 is smaller than the one corresponding to Hospital de Santiago, which infers its floor area was larger. Cf. ADB, Cabido da Sé de Braga, Livro de Prazos do Cabido, n.° 97, ff. 22 a 28.
47 In medieval Braga, 60% of the 363 houses in the “core area” were owned by the Chapter. In certain streets, namely Rua de Santa Maria / Poço, Rua Pequena, Rua de Maximinos, Rua de Santo António, Rua do Paimanta and the lane between Poço and Gualdim Pais, the institution owned almost all the houses. Bandeira, O espapo urbano de Braga em meados do século XVIII, 115.
48 The dominant power of a secondary nobility - infanções - historically derived from the exercise of powers delegated by the first nobility - the count’s. Between the beginning of the 11th century and the end of the 12th century, the power of the infanções became independent from the county nobility and they began to exercise dominion over the land in an autonomous way. The authority of the infanções were transmitted by blood, which, with weapons and power of command, was the basis of their condition. See José Mattoso, Naquele Tempo: Ensaios de História Medieval (Lisbon: Temas e Debates/Círculo de Leitores, 2009), 290–95.
49 Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa e José Augusto de Sotto Mayor Pizarro, «A família. Estruturas de parentesco e casamento», in História da Vida Privada em Portugal: a Idade Média, ed. José Mattoso, vol. 1 (Lisbon: Temas e Debates/Círculo de Leitores, 2011), 134–40.
50 During the first centuries of the Late Middle Ages, the cognatic and agnatical succession systems coexisted. See Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa, «Linhagem e Identidade Social na Nobreza Medieval Portuguesa (séculos XIII-XIV)», Hispania. Revista Española de Historia LXVII, n. 227 (2017): 889–98.
51 The contract of the morgado of Real stated the following: “The morgado [old] was always and is the property of the eldest male child until the death of the last successor, without being able to denounce or alienate. The successor, in this said morgado, will dictate the masses prayed. (…) Give ownership to Diogo de Barros, firstborn and first successor of said morgado and associated and incorporated assets, (…) wish and order that all said assets are to take care of the firstborn eldest son descendant of Lopo de Barros and his wife as consecrated in the old succession”. ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , ff. 4v. and 7v.
52 Rosa, O morgadio em Portugal (sécs. XIV-XV): modelos e práticas de comportamento linhagístico, 102.
53 Rosa, «A religião do século: vivências e devoções dos leigos», 461.
54 On the triumph of Purgatory and its impact on scholasticism and the mendicant orders see Jacques Le Goff, O nascimento do Purgatório, trad. Maria Fernanda Gonçalves de Azevedo (Lisbon: Editorial Estampa, 1995), 283–324.
55 André Vauchez, A espiritualidade na Idade Média Ocidental (séculos VIII a XIII), trad. Teresa Antunes Cardoso (Lisbon: Editorial Estampa, 1995), 156–75.
56 José Mattoso, «O corpo, a saúde e a doença», in História da Vida Privada em Portugal: a Idade Média, ed. José Mattoso, vol. 1 (Lisbon: Temas e Debates/Círculo de Leitores, 2011), 367.
57 Marques, «O culto de São Tiago no Norte de Portugal».
58 On the values of devotion to Saint James from his medieval iconography see Begoña Farré Torras, «Do apóstolo ao peregrino: a iconografia de São Tiago na escultura devocional medieval em Portugal», Medievalista online, n. 12 (2012): 28–31.
59 José Mattoso, «O Culto dos Mortos na Península Ibérica (séculos VII a XI)», Lusitana Sacra, n. 4 (1992): 26.
60 Porto connected to Tui via three routes: the route that passed through São Pedro de Rates, Barcelos and Ponte de Lima; another, which passed through Guimarães and was connected to Ponte de Lima by Braga; another that connected Porto to Braga and from there to Ponte de Lima. The Hospital de Santiago was on the road that reached the southern door of the city, facing the Guimarães route. Humberto Baquero Moreno, «Vias portuguesas de peregrinação a Santiago de Compostela na Idade Média», Revista da Faculdade de Letras HISTÓRIA 3, n. 7 (1986): 77–89.
61 José Marques, «Os santos dos caminhos portugueses», Revista da Faculdade de Letras HISTÓRIA 7, n. III (2006): 249–54.
62 Despite being disregarded by philosophers, the physical dimension of the human being was a platform of connection with the divine. Mattoso, «O corpo, a saúde e a doença», 358–64.
63 The individualisation of religion and the conquest of the deeper personal experiences of the lay people, through recollection and reflection, is performed through the awareness of the presence of God in human beings and in societies. This requalification of the value of the human being transformed his relationship with God, essentially by the sacramental value of penance. From the 11th century onwards, confession, for being such a humiliating and painful act, acquires atoning value and an essential gesture for the salvation of punishment. Vauchez, A espiritualidade na Idade Média Ocidental (séculos VIII a XIII), 169–73.
64 This deepening of self-awareness and of individualism due to the practices of penance and, notably of confession, was also emphasised for the early modern period. Francisco Bettencourt, «Penitência», in Dicionário de História Religiosa de Portugal, ed. Carlos Moreira Azevedo (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores e Centro de Estudos de História Religiosa da UCP, 2001), 428.
65 Philippe Ariès, O homem perante a morte I, trad. Ana Rabaça, vol. 1 (Mem Martins: Publicações Europa-América, 1988), 117.
66 José Ángel García de Cortazar e José Angel Sesma Muñoz, Manual de História Medieval (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2008), 234–46.
67 Marques, «A assistência no Norte de Portugal nos finais da Idade Média», 17 e 35–37.
68 Lisbeth Rodrigues, «Os hospitais portugueses no Renascimento (1480-1580): o caso de Nossa Senhora do Pópulo das Caldas da Rainha» (PhD diss., Braga, Universidade do Minho, 2013), 21–22.
69 On the difference between charity, mercy, beneficence and philanthropya see Maria Antónia Lopes, Pobreza, assistência e controlo social em Coimbra (1750-1850), vol. 1 (Viseu: Palimage Editores, 2000), 62–68.
70 Founded in 1496, these brotherhoods of “immediate” royal protection saw their economic statute reinforced by the canons of post-Tridentine church. Laurinda Abreu, «Misericórdias: patrimonialização e controlo régio (século XVI-XVII)», Ler História, n. 44 (2003): 5–24.
71 Isabel dos Guimarães Sá, Quando o rico se faz pobre: as Misericórdias, caridade e poder no império português (1500-1800) (Lisbon: Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1997), 25–34.
72 Braga, «A crise dos estabelecimentos de assistência aos pobres nos finais da Idade Média», 175.
73 These innovations have been studied by Laurinda Abreu. In her studies, the author highlighted the monarchy's concerns about legally defining the deserving poor, the processes of incorporating several small hospitals into larger institutions, the organisation and regulation of health professions, concerns about epidemics, the creation of Misericórdias and the integration of local power and the Church in this field. Abreu, O poder e os pobres: as dinâmicas políticas e sociais da pobreza e da assistência em Portugal (séculos XVI-XVIII), 19–78.
74 Sá, «Pobreza», 456; Xavier e Hespanha, «As redes clientelares», 344.
75 Maria Marta Lobo de Araújo, «As Misericórdias e a salvação da alma: as opções dos ricos e os serviços dos pobres em busca do Paraíso (séculos XVI-XVIII)», in Problematizar a História - estudos de História Moderna em homenagem a M.a do Rosário Themudo Barbosa (Lisbon: Caleidoscópio, 2007), 383–402.
76 Maria Angela V. da Rocha Beirante, Territórios do sagrado: crenças e comportamentos na Idade Média em Portugal (Lisbon: Edições Colibri, 2011), 31. Our translation.
77 Ângela Barreto Xavier, «Amores e desamores pelos pobres: imagens, afectos e atitudes (séculos XVI-XVII)», Lusitana Sacra, 2.a, n. 11 (1999): 59–85.
78 The hospitals of the Chapter, D. Martinho, Maximinos, Nova da Cividade, São João do Souto, Rocamador, “Rocidevallis”, Rua Nova, São Bartolomeu, São Marcos, Santiago, Santos do Paraíso and Velhas (Silva, «Arquitetura das estruturas de assistência no Norte de Portugal (séculos XII a XVI)», 48–49. There is great difficulty in settling the medieval institutions of Braga. Many of the names mentioned in the study of Leonardo Cabral da Silva show up between the brotherhoods that José Marques says were active in the Late Middle Ages in Braga.
79 In the letter of institution of the Hospital de São Marcos, D. Diogo de Sousa mentions that the leper hospital was, for a long time, without sick people, and that Hospital da Rua Nova was very impoverished and that it was the only one in the city. D. Diogo de Sousa referred to the hospital in the modern sense of the term, that is, an institution with an associated clinical staff that provided bodily care. The document is published in Portugaliae Monumenta Misericordiarum Isabel dos Guimarães Sá and José Pedro Paiva, eds., Portugaliae Monumenta Misericordiarum. A Fundação das Misericórdias: o Reinado de D. Manuel I (Lisbon: União das Misericórdias Portuguesas, 2004), 40–46.
80 Maria Marta Lobo de Araújo, «Sarar as feridas da alma no hospital da Misericórdia de Braga: a assistência espiritual aos enfermos no hospital de São Marcos (séculos XVI-XVIII)», in Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Porto Alegre. Histórias Reveladas VI (Porto Alegre: Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Porto Alegre, 2019), 149.
81 Sousa, «Linhagem e Identidade Social na Nobreza Medieval Portuguesa (séculos XIII-XIV)», 896–99; Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, «O “Ethos” Nobiliárquico no final do Antigo Regime: poder simbólico, império e imaginário social», Almanack Braziliense, n. 2 (2005): 6, https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.1808-8139.v0i2p4-20.
82 Rosa, «A religião do século: vivências e devoções dos leigos», 480–83.
83 Having the economic capacity to live in the manner of the nobility was, in the Early Modern Age, structural to the attainment of the prerogatives of its categorisation. In a society based on a strong social hierarchy, the visualisation of powers and the material perception of the hierarchy were a sine qua non condition for the existence of de facto power. As pointed out by Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (2005: 17), the peninsular morgadio imposed a noble behaviour, namely, a strict social discipline of the family nucleus, subject to the will of the holder; alongside the coat of arms and other pictographic elements of the power of nobility and the model of obligatory reproduction, essential to the noble archetype. See Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, «O “Ethos” Nobiliárquico no final do Antigo Regime: poder simbólico, império e imaginário social», 17.(2005: 17).
84 Abreu, O poder e os pobres: as dinâmicas políticas e sociais da pobreza e da assistência em Portugal (séculos XVI-XVIII), 42.
85 Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, Elites e poder: entre o antigo regime e o liberalismo, 2.a (Lisbon: ICS, 2007), 93–103.
86 This what the contract refers to when the institutors declare that they only dispose of a third part of their assets so they do not slander their other sons. ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , f. 7.
87 The sons of Valentim de Barros were legitimised by Manuel I of Portugal, in 1504 cf. Affonso, «Da verdadeira origem de algumas famílias ilustres de Braga e seu termo. XVIII Barros de São Jerónimo de Real», 12.
88 The old Quinta of Real is currently property of the Congregation of Servas Franciscanas de Nossa Senhora das Graças. The manor house is still standing.
89 Affonso, «Da verdadeira origem de algumas famílias ilustres de Braga e seu termo. XVIII Barros de São Jerónimo de Real», 7–9.
90 This family connection between the Barros of Real and the 1st Bishop of Leiria is also found in Geografia of João de Barros João de Barros, Geographia d’entre Douro e Minho e Tras-os-Montes (Porto: Câmara Municipal do Porto, 2019), 168., written in the first half of the 16th century.
91 According to Manuel Severim de Faria, João de Barros, the “great”, was a cousin of Friar Brás de Barros and grandson of Martim Martins de Barros. Felgueiras Gaio evidences this confluence of the lineage of these persons. See Manuel Severim de Faria, Vida de João de Barros e Indice Geral das Quatro Decadas da Sua Asia (Lisbon: Regia Officina Typografica, 1778), V–VI and Gaio, Nobiliário de Famílias de Portugal, Tomo VI:134–62.
92 ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , ff. 4v. e 5.
93 ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , f. 14v.
94 Rosa, «A religião do século: vivências e devoções dos leigos», 461.
95 From the testimonies of noble figures and the chaplain of Nossa Senhora das Graças: Gonçalo Rodrigues de Araújo, nobleman of the King’s Household; Manuel de Barros, brother of Lopo de Barros, and nobleman of the King; Marcos de Barros, noble knight; Manuel Carneiro, noble knight of the Kings’s Household; Doctor Bartolomeu de Faria; and, Pedro Anes do Rossio, chaplain. ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , ff. 16 e 16v.
96 It must have been a good and honest man, who maintained the chapel and adornments very clean. ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , f. 11.
97 Luís Cardoso (1747: 252) calls it Chapel of Anunciação. Cardoso, Diccionario geografico, ou noticia historica de todas as cidades, villas, lugares, e aldeas, rios, ribeiras, e serras dos Reynos de Portugal, e Algarve, com todas as cousas raras, que nelles se encontraõ, assim antigas, como modernas / que escreve, e offerece ao muito alto … Rey D. João V nosso senhor o P. Luiz Cardoso, da Congregaçaõ do Oratorio de Lisboa, 252.
98 Archbishop D. Diogo transferred them, with authorisation from King D. Manuel I (r. 1495-1521), to the main chancel of the cathedral in 1513, renovated by the same prelate at that time. In 1598, Archbishop D. Frei Agostinho de Jesus separated the bones and placed them in two sarcophagi. Count D. Henrique's remains were deposited in the primitive and those of D. Teresa in another one dispensed by D. Diogo de Sousa. J. Augusto Ferreira, Fastos Episcopaes da Igreja Primacial de Braga (séc. III - séc. XX), Fac-simile (1932), vol. III (Famalicão: Edição da Mitra Bracarense, 2018), 383.
99 Ferreira, Fastos Episcopaes da Igreja Primacial de Braga (séc. III - séc. XX), III:378.
100 José Viriato Capela, As freguesias do Distrito de Braga nas Memórias Paroquiais de 1758: a construção do imaginário minhoto setecentista (Braga: Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia e Governo Civil de Braga, 2003), 196.
101 Cavallo, Charity and Power in Early Modern Italy: Benefactors and their Motives in Turim 1547-1789, 127–45.
102 ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , f. 15.
103 Regarding the jurisdictional classification of the parties involved in the institution, see Ana Rita Saraiva da Rocha Rocha, «A assistência em Coimbra na Idade Média: dimensão urbana, religiosa e socioeconómica (séculos XII a XIV)», 374–88; Ramona Pérez Castro Pérez, «Fundaciones particulares benéfico-assistenciales y docentes en Asturias (siglos XV-XIX)» (PhD diss., Oviedo, Universidade de Oviedo, 2012), 100–102.
104 ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , f. 11.
105 ADB, Quinta de Real, Requerimento do Excelentíssimo Visconde do Amparo … , f. 8v.
106 The brotherhood of São Tiago was active the Church of São Tiago of Cividade, that is, in front of the hospital’s door. This brotherhood already existed in the first half of the 13th century and stayed active until 1790, when it was incorporated into the brotherhood of Santa Cruz. See Marques, «O culto de São Tiago no Norte de Portugal», 128–30; Norberto Tiago Gonçalves Ferraz, «A Morte e a Salvação da Alma na Braga Setecentista» (PhD diss., Braga, Universidade do Minho, 2014), 463–65.
107 “There is inside this city, the Hospital of São Tiago, which is visited by the prelate”. ADB, Registo Geral, Censual de D. Frei Baltazar Limpo – Tombos das dignidades, conesias, mosteiros, priorados, igrejas, comendas, reitorias, vigararias e de todos os benefícios do arcebispado de Braga, 1551, n.° 335, f. 7.
Additional information
Funding
Notes on contributors
Luís Gonçalves Ferreira
Luís Gonçalves Ferreira holds a degree in History (2017) and a master's degree in History (2019) from the University of Minho. He is a researcher of Lab2PT (UMinho). His master's thesis was published in a book, published by Húmus in March 2020, entitled "Vestidos de caridade: assistência, pobreza e indumentária na Idade Moderna. O caso da Misericórdia de Braga". He is interested in the fields of poor-relief, body history, gender, sexuality and mentalities. The results of his studies have been published in chapters of books or scientific articles and discussed in several scientific meetings in Portugal and abroad. At the moment, he is doing his PhD in Early Modern History at the University of Minho (Braga, Foundation Portugal) intitled "Poor, sick and ragged? Clothing of the poor in the urban assistance context of Porto and Lisboa (17th and 18th centuries)” with a PhD Research Scholarship by Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT).