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Journal of Arabian Studies
Arabia, the Gulf, and the Red Sea
Volume 9, 2019 - Issue 1
170
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Articles

What Influence Do Advisory Assemblies Have? A Print Media Analysis of the UAE’s Federal National Council, 2011–15

 

Abstract

Where does the UAE’s Federal National Council fit in the scholarship on comparative legislative studies? Is it a “transformative” and “active” assembly (i.e. it makes legislation and policy) or is it an “arena” and “reactive” assembly (i.e. it focuses on public debate and policy influence)? Constitutionally, the FNC is portrayed as one of the Arabian Gulf region’s weaker assemblies. This article challenges that assumption. An analysis of the FNC’s media coverage in two newspapers in 2011–15 shows that its members’ actions resulted in the body acquiring a more expansive role. Members went beyond their formal revising powers of bills to propose legislation and funding and challenge ministers. The analysis also identifies members’ subject priorities (i.e. the economy and social security) and backgrounds, including more media attention accorded to members from smaller/poorer emirates (i.e. not Dubai and Abu Dhabi) and little difference between those who were elected and appointed.

Notes

1 Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy (1999); Stockemer, “Women’s Parliamentary Representation: Are Women more Highly Represented in (Consolidated) Democracies than in Non-Democracies?”, Contemporary Politics 15.4 (2009); Sadiki, “Bin Ali’s Tunisia: Democracy by Non-Democratic Means”, BJMES 29.1 (2002), pp. 57–78; Beichelt, “Autocracy and Democracy in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine”, Democratization 11.5 (2004), pp. 113–32; van Cranenburgh, “‘Big Men’ Rule: Presidential Power, Regime Type and Democracy in 30 African Countries”, Democratization 15.5 (2008), pp. 952–73; Malesky and Schuler, “Nodding or Needling: Analyzing Delegate Responsiveness in an Authoritarian Parliament”, APSR 104.3 (2010), pp. 482–502; Moghadam and Haghighatjoo, “Women and Political Leadership in an Authoritarian Context: A Case Study of the Sixth Parliament in the Islamic Republic of Iran”, Politics and Gender 12.1 (2016), pp. 168–97; Truez, “The Returns to Office in a ‘Rubber Stamp’ Parliament”, APSR 108.2 (2014), pp. 235–51; Schuler and Malesky, “Authoritarian Legislatures”, The Oxford Book of Legislative Studies, ed. Martin, Saalfeld, and Strøm (2014).

2 MacGregor, “Parliamentary Impact in the Legislative Process –– Literature Review Summary”, 21 February 2015.

3 Polsby, “Legislatives”, Handbook of Political Science 5, ed. Greenstein and Polsby (1975); King, “A Useful Parliament?”, How to Run a Country: A Collection of Essays, ed. Trewhitt, Hagelund, and Sawyer (2014).

4 Norton, Parliaments in Western Europe (1990); Mezey, Comparative Legislatures (1979).

5 Russell and Benton, “The Policy Impact of Parliament: Methodological Challenges and Possible Future Approaches”, paper for PSA Legislative Studies Specialist Group Conference (2009).

6 Russell, Glover, and Wollter, “Does the Executive Dominate the Westminster Legislative Process?: Six Reasons for Doubt”, Parliamentary Affairs 69.2 (2016), pp. 286–308.

7 Herb, “Emirs and Parliaments in the Gulf”, Journal of Democracy 13.4 (2002), pp. 41–7; Herb, “A Nation of Bureaucrats: Political Participation and Economic Diversification in Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates”, IJMES 41.3 (2009), pp. 375–95; Kapiszewski, “Elections and Parliamentary Activity in the GCC States: Broadening Political Participation in the Gulf Monarchies”, Constitutional Reform and Political Participation in the Gulf, ed. Khalaf and Luciani (2006); Kinninmont, Kuwait’s Parliament: An Experiment in Semi-Democracy (2012).

8 Jones, Bedouins into Bourgeois: Remaking Citizens for Globalization (2017).

9 Katzmann, The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy (2010); Kapiszewski, “Elections and Parliamentary Activity in the GCC States: Broadening Political Participation in the Gulf Monarchies” (2006); Federal National Council of the UAE, United Arab Emirates Constitution (2011).

10 Rizvi, “From Tents to High Rise: Economic Development of the United Arab Emirates”, Middle Eastern Studies 29.4 (1993), pp. 664–78.

11 Foley, “The UAE: Political Issues and Security Dilemmas”, MERIA 3.1 (1999), pp. 25–45.

12 Davidson, “The United Arab Emirates: Prospects for Political Reform”, Brown Journal of World Affairs 15.2 (2009), pp. 117–27.

13 The Economist, Country Report: The UAE (2013).

14 Davidson, “The United Arab Emirates” (2009).

15 Katzmann, The United Arab Emirates (UAE) (2010).

16 Forstenlecher, Rutledge, and Alnuaimi, “The UAE, the ‘Arab Spring’ and Different Kinds of Dissent”, MEP 19.4 (2012); Herb, “Emirs and Parliaments in the Gulf” (2002).

17 Boyle, “Language contact in the United Arab Emirates”, World Englishes 31.3 (2012), pp. 312–30; Swan, “Some UAE Students ‘More Comfortable’ Using English”, The National, 28 March 2015.

18 Kraidy, “Al Jazeera and Al Jazeera English: A Comparative Institutional Analysis”, Kuala Lumpur Calling: Al-Jazeera English in Asia, ed. Kugelman (2008); Abdul-Mageed and Herring, “Arabic and English News Coverage on AlJazeera.net”, Proceedings of Cultural Attitudes Towards Technology and Communication 2008, ed. by Sudweeks, Hrachovec, and Ess (2008); Al-Najjar, “How Arab Is Al Jazeera English? Comparative Study of Al Jazeera Arabic and Al Jazeera English News Channels”, Global Media Journal 8.14 (2009); Fahmy and Al Emad, “Al-Jazeera vs Al-Jazeera: A Comparison of the Network’s English and Arabic Online Coverage of the US/Al Qaeda Conflict”, International Communication Gazette 73.3 (2011), pp. 216–32; Li and Tahat, “Picturing Terrorism Through Arabic Lenses: A Comparative Analysis of Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya”, Asian Journal of Communication 22.5 (2012), pp. 433–48.

19 Kraidy, “Al Jazeera and Al Jazeera English” (2008).

20 Gulf News, “Daily Newspaper Brand Report” (2016).

21 Pompeo, “We Are Not Here To Fight For Press Freedom”, New Republic, 28 February 2013.

22 Forstenlecher, Rutledge, and Alnuaimi, “The UAE, the ‘Arab Spring’ and Different Kinds of Dissent” (2012).

23 Salem, “Inside the FNC: Vocal Council Members”, The National, 24 January 2015.

24 Al Asoomi, “A parliamentary Regime Suiting UAE’s Ambitions”, Gulf News, 2 September 2015.

25 Ibid.

26 Matthew, “Empower and Equip the FNC”, Gulf News, 29 November 2011; Gulf News, “FNC Seeks Bigger Role in Government”, 13 February 2012.

27 Mubarak, “FNC: The Voice of Emiratis”, Gulf News, 10 August 2015.

28 Al Asoomi, “A parliamentary Regime Suiting UAE’s Ambitions” (2015).

29 Al Khoori, “Dr Sheikha Al Ari Says Community Pushed Her to Run for FNC”, The National, 8 October 2014.

30 Salama, “‘Wudeema’s Law’ Becomes Child Rights Law”, Gulf News, 11 December 2013; The National, “The FNC’s Five Biggest Clashes with the Government this Term”, 26 April 2014.

31 Salama, “FNC Passes Draft 2013 Budget”, Gulf News, 18 December 2012.

32 Matthew, “Empower and Equip the FNC” (2011).

33 Salama, “FNC Presses for Implementing of Motions”, Gulf News, 7 November 2012; The National, “The FNC’s Five Biggest Clashes with the Government this Term”.

34 Salem, “FNC Passes Federal Audit for 2011 but Questions Remain”, The National, 1 May 2013.

35 Salem, “FNC Unveils Agenda for New Year”, The National, 12 November 2013.

36 Salem, “Some FNC Members Unhappy with Pace of Current Term”, The National, 17 March 2015.

37 See, for example, Salama, “FNC Member Complains over Delayed Review of Law”, Gulf News, 22 January 2013; Salem, “FNC Seeks Answers from UAE Cabinet after Abolished Law Is Published”, The National, 15 December 2013.

38 Salem, “Inside the FNC: Disruptions an Issue that Won’t Go Away”, The National, 28 March 2015.

39 Salem, “Budget Needs to Reflect Progress”, The National, 27 December 2014.

40 Dajani, “FNC Accuses Cabinet of ‘Constitutional Violation’”, The National, 16 February 2016.

41 Salem, “Longest-Serving FNC Member Reflects on Changes”, The National, 22 October 2014.

42 Salem, “UAE’s Federal National Council: Why We Need Appointed Members”, The National, 8 October 2012.

43 Al Khoori, “FNC’s Ahmed Al Amash: Strong Opinions Are His Hallmark”, The National, 22 September 2014.

44 Al Khoori, “Dr Sheikha Al Ari Says Community Pushed Her to Run for FNC” (2014).

45 Salem, “Retired Military Man Had Platform of Unemployment, Inflation and Debt”, The National, 1 October 2014.

46 Dajani, “FNC Member Is a Champion for Healthcare Causes”, The National, 20 September 2014.

47 The National, “Five FNC Members Who Lived up to Their Campaign Promises”, 13 April 2014.

48 Salama, “FNC Frustrated Over UAE Government’s Inaction on Aid to Jobless”, Gulf News, 25 June 2013.

49 Matthew, “Empower and Equip the FNC” (2011).

50 Salama, “FNC Demands Stronger Role in UAE Budgeting, Execution of Motions”, Gulf News, 9 November 2013.

51 Salama, “FNC Presses for Implementing of Motions”, Gulf News, 7 November 2012; Salama, “FNC Demands Stronger Role in UAE Budgeting, Execution of Motions”, Gulf News, 9 November 2013.

52 Salama, “FNC Surveys Avenues to Achieve Desire Profile”, Gulf News, 4 November 2012.

53 Salem, “Rera Head Is Popular FNC Member”, The National, 27 September 2014.

54 Salem, “Five of the FNC’s most Accessible Members”, The National, 22 March 2014.

55 Anon., “Dubai Social Media Impact on UAE FNC Elections, Grafdom” (2011).

56 Bumetea, Political Communication in the Arabian Gulf Countries: The Relationship between the Government and the Press (Citation2013).

57 Lenze, Schriwer, and Abdul Jalil, “Introduction”, Media in the Middle East: Activism, Politics and Culture, ed. Lenze, Schriwer, and Abdul Jalil (2017).

58 Gunter and Elareshi, “The Significance of Social Media in the Arab World”, Social Media in the Arab World: Communication and Public Opinion in the Gulf States, ed. Gunter, Elareshi, and Al-Jabar (Citation2016); Bulla and Buie, “Social Media Usage and the Changing Context in the United Arab Emirates”, Social Media in the Arab World: Communication and Public Opinion in the Gulf States, ed. Gunter, Elareshi, and Al-Jabar (Citation2016).

59 Here it is perhaps worth noting some recent developments in the nature of social media in the UAE. It is a space that has become increasingly commercialised and regulated. Some of the most prominent users of social media have been identified and supported by the government as “influencers” as an additional means of political engagement and communication. In addition, it is worth reiterating the reservations faced in relation to interviewing FNC members and their observers.

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