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Research Articles

A long way to peace: identities, genocide, and state preservation in Burma, 1948–2018

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Pages 677-697 | Received 04 Sep 2017, Accepted 25 Sep 2018, Published online: 08 Nov 2018
 

ABSTRACT

Following independence in 1948, successive Burmese regimes have fought continuous wars against ethno-religious minorities living on the periphery. The following article analyzes these conflicts through the lens of prospect theory. According to this perspective, regimes are highly sensitive to relative losses and may employ genocidal policies as a means of state-preservation. Our framework applies this theory to three sub-national cases of genocide perpetrated against the Karen, Kachin, and Rohingya ethno-religious groups. Through qualitative case analysis, we unpack multifaceted processes of violence perpetrated against civilians and non-combatants in Burma. Based on our findings, we argue that the Tatmadaw (Burmese military) engaged in genocidal policies, including forced displacement and labor, slash-and-burn tactics, ethno-religious co-optation, and political killings as an instrumental means of preserving the state. Notably, while the military engaged in extreme violence against all three groups, their interest in state preservation varied. Genocidal violence employed against Karen and Kachin, long recognized by the military as “legitimate” groups, was perpetrated to assimilate “hill tribes” into the state. Conversely, violence against the Rohingya evolved with the goal of pushing a perceived “foreign” group out. This study contributes to the growing body of literature within Genocide Studies, linking macro-level theory to sub-national case studies.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1 Since the early 2000s there has been a great deal of literature addressing the following “peripheral” cases across Southeast Asia, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and beyond. Some of the cases explored in recent years include: Algeria (1954–1962); Angola (1975–2002); Bangladesh (1971); Bosnia (1992–1995); Burundi (1972–1973); Burundi (1993–2005); Burundi (2016–present); Cambodia (1970–1978); China (1946–1950); Colombia (1948–1960); Darfur, Sudan (2003–2005); Eritrea (1998–2000); Greece (1945–1949); Guatemala (1966–1996); India (1946–1948); Indonesia (1965–1966); Iran (1980–1988); Mozambique (1981–1992); Nigeria (1966–1970); North Korea (1950–1953); Sudan (1956–1972); Sudan (1983–2002); Syria (2011–present); Uganda (1971–1978); Uganda (1981–1986); Ukraine (1932–1933); and Zaire (1960–1965). This is not by any means an exhaustive list but a useful sampling of the extant case studies.

2 For more on the Genocide Convention and its limitations see the following: Boghossian (Citation2010), Weitz (Citation2010), Travis (Citation2012), Goldsmith (Citation2010), Horowitz (Citation1976), Kuper (Citation1977), Kuper (Citation1981), Chalk and Jonassohn (Citation1990), Staub (Citation1989), Glanville (Citation2009), and Beardsley (Citation2006).

3 Prospect theory has been applied to a variety of disciplines. The following works are just a sampling: Argyle (Citation1999), Levy (Citation1994), and Whyte (Citation1993).

4 As Burma’s largest ethnic group, the Bamar compose roughly 68% of the population. This estimate is subject to debate, as problems of self-identification complicate the classification of ethnic groups. For a more thorough discussion see Smith (Citation1991).

5 For example, there has been much socio-political research into the role of “scapegoating” in causing genocide and mass violence. See Staub (Citation1989), Charny (Citation1982), Mazian (Citation1990), Girard (Citation1986), Allport (Citation1979), and Totten and Bartrop (Citation2009).

6 Some authors, like Helen Fein, have disaggregated genocide conceptualization into subparts. Fein argues that there are four types of genocides: developmental, despotic, retributive, and ideological genocides. Each kind of genocide correspond to an ideal type. For instance, according to Fein, developmental genocides occur where the victims are most likely tribal groups who are not welcomed into modern society. Therefore, the process of development (i.e. economic, social, or political development) leads to intergroup violence and genocide (see Fein Citation1984).

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