Boys’ construction of fatherhood when their fathers are absent

Abstract

In this article, we address the question of how boys whose fathers are absent construct an image of fatherhood. Drawing on the stories told by three boys whose fathers are absent, we explore how the boys, in the relation with their mothers, siblings and others, construct and negotiate an image of fatherhood, including how they envisage themselves to be as fathers in the future. The data material consists of life-mode interviews with the boys and their mothers. Theoretically, we are inspired by social constructionism and cultural psychology. We find that the boys aspire to become fathers who engage in close and mutual relations within the family, who are emotionally and practically available, who are consistent and predictable, and who participate in activities with their children. This image of fatherhood is in line with the contemporary expectations to fathers in our culture. In developing this notion of fatherhood, the role of the mothers is crucial, and we find that they – in their repertoire of motherhood – propose to their sons a cultural orientation that affirms their sons’ identity as men and future fathers.

Keywords:

• fatherhood
• social constructionism
• family studies
• childhood studies
• child welfare

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1. According to Norwegian Statistics, 82% of children of divorced parents lived with their mothers in 2004, 8% lived with their fathers and in 10% of the cases, there was shared residence (Lyngstad and Kitterød 2008). In 2012, the proportion of children living in shared residence had increased to 25%, whereas there was a decrease to 66% in children living with their mothers. Still, the proportion living with their fathers only remains to be 7–8% (Lyngstad, Kitterød, and Nymoen 2014).

2. As defined by Norwegian legislation, as well as the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child.

3. It should be noted that many children may subjectively experience to have little contact with their fathers although they live in the same house. What distinguish children in those circumstances from Hector, Evan and George is that the father absence in the last case is acknowledged and articulated. However, the mechanisms of construction of fatherhood may well be similar for children in both situations.

4. According to diverse research on child poverty in Norway, a large proportion of children affected by poverty grow up with a single parent whose employment status is irregular or non-existing, like Hector’s mother (see for example Epland and Kirkeberg 2009). There are several unfortunate consequences of poverty for children. In the public debate in Norway, attention has in particular been to the reduced possibilities for participation that many poor children are subject to. Thorød (2012) points out that many children in poor households endeavour to reduce the stress of poverty for their parents by avoiding to participate in expensive activities. In this article, we do not address the consequences of poverty in particular, but the readers ought to be aware that although it is not addressed here, our empirical data also bear witness that the children take the kind of responsibility that Thorød finds in her research.

5. Acknowledging that this is not the topic for this article, it is still worth questioning a policy that while accentuating the importance of the biological ties between child and father, fails to see the potential importance of emotional ties between child and stepparent, and leaves these kinds of relationship deprived of legal rights.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by Norwegian Ministry of Children and Equality and Agder Research. The interviews were conducted in 2008–2009.