Ideological choices in contemporary China: With a discussion of Francis Fukuyama's declaration of the end of history

Abstract

One of the myths Western ideology keeps creating and maintaining is that nothing can surpass capitalism. However, this myth has been revealed to be false by contemporary China, with its firmly held banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics and its sustained rapid growth. China's growth has fundamentally rewritten world history and has made Francis Fukuyama's declaration of the end of history into a historical irony. The Chinese Communists have achieved this through Deng Xiaoping theory, the groundbreaking statement of the ‘Three Represents’ and the strategic scientific concept of development in their comprehensive understanding of new historical developments in response to the new challenges posed by the times. In the process they have provided answers to three historical issues: (1) What is socialism and how can it be realized? (2) What is the nature of the Communist Party of China and how can it be strengthened? And (3) What is development aimed at and how should it be achieved? From this arises the theoretical framework of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the foundation for socialist ideology in contemporary China. These points also offer a clear answer to half a century of ideological debate: ideology remains a fundamental driving force for reaching consensus and forming synergy; political and public participation inspired by enthusiasm arising from theory and shared ideals are an irreplaceable and effective means to man's spiritual quest; history is far from ending, and socialism still stands for the direction of humanity's progress and development.

Keywords:

• capitalism
• end of history
• critique of ideology
• socialism with Chinese characteristics

Notes

² See, German Die Zeit: American scholar advocates ‘export democracy to repress China’, Reference News (Cankao Xiaoxi), January 24, 2008, 16. See, also, interview with Kagan, Dann müssen wir offensiver sein, Die Zeit, January 17, 2008.

¹ According to a report ‘What China will be like in 2030?’ in the Global Times, June 30, 2009, a German scholar predicts two radically different futures for China: one is that leaders of the reform faction inside the CPC leaders call more urgently and strongly for turning to sustainable management, civil society, and a democratic system. In 2020, the centralized state power will be democratic in a Chinese way. All major public tasks that are ignored or deliberately disregarded by the state will be in the hands of numerous non-government organizations. The other possibility is that prices soar, unemployment and poverty worsen, the stock market and real estate collapse, foreign investment withdraws, and the economy stagnates. The ensuing political outcome is that hardliners come to power. In 2017, national protests break out which are crushed by the military and the police with thousands of people being arrested. They will be accused of jeopardizing national security, high treason, and planning and carrying out the violent overthrow of the government and sentenced to long-term imprisonment, with their leaders being sentenced to capital punishment. These two possibilities are what the West envisions for China's future.

³ According to an article by Shi Wei in The Mirror, January 2008, the UN vote promoted by Chen Shuibian to declare ‘Taiwan Independence’ was actually a scheme of dominant American political forces whose purpose was to intensify the contradictions between the Straits, and ‘fix the last “communist empire” for good.’ See, Reference News (Cankao Xiaoxi), February 12, 2008, 10.

⁴ See, CPI(M) declares conversion to capitalism, Reference News (Cankao Xiaoxi), January 27, 2008, 3; see, also, Le Monde (2008).

⁵ Those who advocate ‘reviving Confucianism’ today frankly say that ‘in mainland China today, a certain foreign culture, Marxism and Leninism, has taken the position of “state religion” under the protection of the state power. However, this foreign culture can neither make our nation stable nor represent our national spirit, creating a spiritual dearth for the Chinese nation for more than one hundred years’, ‘Marxism and Leninism is not orthodox western culture, having no roots in the deep tradition of western culture. It only expresses an extreme emotional reaction to the results of early industrial civilization.’ See Jiang Qing (1989).

⁶ See the interview with Li Rui in Deutsche Welle, September 18, 2006. http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,2175831,00.html.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Hou Huiqin

Translated by Huang Jue and Qin Xiqing